Sergey Nikolaevich Glinka. Glinka Sergei Nikolaevich Works and public views

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Glinka, Sergey Nikolaevich

- retired major, writer, born into a patriarchal landowner family on July 5, 1775 (according to the gravestone inscription) or 1776 (according to his “Notes”) in the village. 24 hours in Dukhovshchinsky district, Smolensk province. His father, Nikolai Ilyich, served in the guard in his youth and upon retirement settled in the village and began farming. G.'s ancestors served in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth back in the 16th century. In the 5th year they began to teach G. His first teacher was his Mason uncle, Major Lebedev. Then he came under the supervision of his uncle, Johann, a half-German, half-Russian, who, according to G., “only looked after him.” The boy was capable, had a good memory (G. later always remembered a lot from what he learned and read and easily quoted numerous authors), and his studies proceeded easily. In 1781, Catherine II, during a trip to Belarus, passed through the village of Glinok Kholm and received a treat from the parents of S.N. - his father at that time was a police captain in the Dukhovshchinsky district. As a sign of her favor towards him, Catherine enrolled his two sons, including Sergei, into the Land Gentry Corps in St. Petersburg. And a year later, on July 5, 1782, 6-year-old G. was sent to the corps. He studied there well and began early, by his own admission, to “write” and “scribble poetry.” The writer Yakov Borisovich Knyazhnin, who served as a literature teacher in the corps, had a great influence on him. G. always spoke of him with delight afterwards. An equally important and beneficial influence on G. was exerted by the director of the corps, Gr. Anhalt, a humane and enlightened man. G. devotes many warm, enthusiastic pages to him in his “Notes” - memoirs.

Already at this time, G. revealed those character traits that remained in him for the rest of his life: dreaminess and enthusiasm. The latter was found in his student writings and drew the attention of the corps authorities to him. When after the death of Mr. Anhalt was appointed director of the corps by M. . I. Kutuzov, then G. greeted him solemn speech. After listening to her, Kutuzov said: “He won’t serve as a soldier for long; he will be a writer.” G.’s first printed work was also imbued with enthusiasm: “Song Great Catherine", written while still in the corpus, but printed after leaving it (printed in the corpus printing house). The appearance of this "Song" in print was facilitated by the patron of the entire G. family - L. A. Naryshkin. The corpus did not give G. particularly serious and deep knowledge, but developed in him a taste for literature and imparted knowledge of new languages, which, especially French, G. later spoke perfectly. brother Nikolai he went for a short time to native village, and from there (in March) to Moscow, as he was assigned to one of the Moscow battalions. Having asked for leave here, he again left for the village, and his service began only in the summer of 1795 as an adjutant to Prince. Yu. Vl. Dolgorukov, the chief commander of the Moscow troops. Here he made acquaintance with artists (by the way, with the then famous Sandunov) and writers - Shatrov, Nikolev and others. But at the end of 1795, Prince. Dolgorukov retired, and G. again went on vacation. In 1796, he returned to his battalion, which was now located in Tver province, and then transferred to Lithuania. After Paul's accession to the throne, G. returned to Moscow and began to study literature a lot. At this time there were 2 theaters in Moscow: one, a summer one, was located in the Moscow Station, under the management of Medox, and the other was a home theater, Prince. Volkonsky. And so the first of them, G., begins to “supply operas” - translations and adaptations from French.

In 1799, G. volunteered to go on a campaign to Italy with an army auxiliary for Suvorov, but the campaign did not take place, and G., having reached Brest-Litovsk, returned with the rank of captain to Moscow. At the end of the next year, 1800, after the death of his father, he retired with the rank of major, not feeling a calling to military service, and left for the village. Soon his mother died, and G., renouncing his share of the inheritance (30 souls of peasants, movable and real estate) in favor of his sister, in 1802 he left for Moscow, from where he soon left as a teacher for a landowner in Ukraine. Having stayed there for 3 years, G. returned to Moscow and again began to work hard for the theater, in which he now held the title of “translator and writer.” Of the operas he had previously translated, the following were published: “The Mystery” (M., 1800. 8°), “The Little Sailor”, “Swedish Fishermen” and “Strange Enterprise” (M., 1800. 8°). Soon, however, military events again somewhat distracted G. from literary studies: in 1806 he joined the police and was a brigade major of the Sychev squad. After some time, he submitted a note to N.N. Novosiltsev about the disturbances that were created by the sudden notification of the formation of the militia. At the same time, however, he was composing a heroic drama with choirs, “Natalia the Boyar’s Daughter,” in 4 days (St. Petersburg, 1806 and 1807 8°), which was successful in the theater (by the way, it closed Moscow New Imperial Theater - Arbatsky, on Friday, August 30, 1812). In general, these years, 1807-1810, and then 1817, were the time of G.’s dramatic creativity. So, then the following plays were written and published: “Olga the Beautiful,” a heroic opera in 2 scenes (M., 1808 and 1817. 8°), "Bayan, the ancient singer of the Slavs", prologue with choirs, music. Kashin, - they opened the New Imperial (Arbat) Theater in Moscow on Monday, April 13. 1808, "The Siege of Poltava", drama (M., 1810), "Antonio Gamba, Suvorov's companion in the Alpine mountains", drama in 1 day, with choirs and ballets (M., 1817), "One day of the reign of Nurmagola , or The Triumph of Love and Virtue", opera in 2 d. (M., 1817), "Sumbek, or the Fall of the Kazan Kingdom", tragedy in 5 d. in verse (M., 1817 8°), " Mikhail, Prince of Chernigov", a tragedy in 5 acts in verse (M., 1808. 8°) - he read it from great success Derzhavin in a large society (both of these tragedies took place in Moscow and St. Petersburg), "Minin", a domestic drama in verse, in 3 d. (M., 1809 and 1817. 8°).

After the conclusion of the Peace of Tilsit, G. again settled in Moscow and began to publish the “Russian Bulletin” to “excite the spirit of the people and call for a new and inevitable struggle” (with Napoleon) - this began journalistic activity G. Having joined the so-called “patriotic” trend, G. began to violently attack Napoleon, France and everything French. One of the first and few of his employees was Count. Rostopchin, who had recently released his “Thoughts Out Loud on the Red Porch”; for the first issue of "Russian Messenger" he gave "Ustin Venikov". But Rostopchin’s cooperation did not last long, just like the cooperation of Prince. Dashkova, and later “R.V.” was filled almost exclusively with the writings of G. himself. The direction of the magazine corresponded to the mood of some noble and bureaucratic circles, and it was a success, however, according to G. himself, “even in the terrible year of 1812, no more than 100 copies were sold” (“Notes”, p. 227). The harsh attacks on Napoleon caused a protest from the French ambassador Caulaincourt. Then the magazine's censor A.F. Merzlyakov received a reprimand, and G. "for political reasons was dismissed from the Moscow theater." However, "R.V." was not banned, and G. continued to publish it in the same chauvinistic spirit.

On April 24, 1808, G. got married and later had quite a large number of offspring from this marriage. In 1811, he again traveled to Ukraine, but why is unknown (Notes, p. 253). On October 28, 1811, G., at the suggestion of A.F. Merzlyakov, was elected a full member of the Society of Lovers of Russian Literature, but on February 24, 1812, he sent the following letter to the chairman of the Society: “Neither time, nor circumstances, nor my health allow I should enjoy the honor and benefits of a full member. Therefore, I humbly ask for dismissal from the full membership." On this basis, at the meeting on June 7, it was decided not to include G. among the members. However, in 1829 he expressed a desire to participate in the work of the Society. In Part IV of the “Proceedings” of this Society his speech is published: “On the benefits of societies established for the dissemination of Russian literature.”

The Patriotic War was the time of G.’s greatest fame. Having learned about Napoleon’s entry into Russia, he wrote poems, taking as their epigraph the words: “May God rise again and his enemies be scattered.” On July 11, 1812 at 5 o'clock in the morning, having read the appeal of Alexander I to Moscow, he rushed to the Moscow commander-in-chief, gr. Rostopchin, to be the first to enroll in the warriors of the Moscow militia. Since Rostopchin, who was talking with Archbishop Augustine at that time, did not accept him, G. left him the following note: “I don’t have an estate anywhere, I don’t have any real estate in Moscow, and although I’m not a native of Moscow, but where is anyone If the Fatherland is in danger, he must stand there under the banners of the Fatherland. “I condemn myself to the warriors of the Moscow militia, and I lay three hundred rubles of silver on the altar of the Fatherland.” On the same day, G., at the head of a large crowd of people, moved to Poklonnaya Hill to meet Alexander I. All his behavior and his speeches to the people seemed suspicious to the Moscow administration, and they were ordered to keep an eye on him. During the reception of the nobility and merchants in the Slobodsky Palace on July 15, G. spoke a lot and passionately, predicting, among other things, the fall of Moscow. After 4 days he was unexpectedly demanded to see Rostopchin. The news of this caused great anxiety in G.'s family, and he went to Rostopchin in confusion. But all fears turned out to be in vain: Rostopchin met G. with open arms and said: “The Emperor grants you a knight of the 4th degree of Vladimir for your love for the fatherland, proven by your writings and deeds. These are the words of the rescript signed by the Sovereign Emperor. Here is the rescript and order. Congratulations." Then Rostopchin continued: “In the sacred name of the Sovereign Emperor, I loosen your tongue to everything useful for the Fatherland, and your hands to an extraordinary sum of three hundred thousand rubles. The Sovereign entrusts you with special assignments on which you will consult with me.” Thus, G. became an agent of the government, which, obviously, was convinced that G. could not be dangerous to him. As the prince says. P. A. Vyazemsky, “Glinka was born a tribune of the people, but a legal tribune, a tribune of the government.” “From now on, says one of his biographers, B. Fedorov, S. N. Glinka became an interlocutor of the people, in squares, markets, on the streets, speaking freely everywhere - everything that could serve the benefit of the Fatherland.” But, obviously, no monetary expenditure was required “to excite the spirit of the people”; G. himself was certainly an honest and disinterested person (this is recognized by everyone who knew him), and therefore 300 thousand. rubles remained untouched. G. continued publishing the “Russian Messenger” at this time, and only the occupation of Moscow by the French interrupted his publishing activity for some time (the magazine’s books for September and October were published along with the August one in August), since G., among others, had to leave Moscow, having previously burned down his French library.

When the Patriotic War ended and the nationalist mood that had gripped some circles of Russian society subsided, G.'s popularity and influence fell, and his “P. Messenger” became downright unnecessary, and he was gradually withering away. Somehow G. made it until 1825, releasing more and more skinny notebooks. G. tried to add " Children's Reading"(6 parts, 1822-23), "Plutarch in favor of education" (6 parts, 1822-23), but this did not help matters. On the other hand, when "R. Vestnik" began to lose importance as a political magazine; G. turned from journalism to Russian history. With the assistance of Ataman Platov (2 thousand rubles), he published everything that he wrote in his magazine about the Don and the Don people (in general in "R. Vestnik "there were many historical articles and essays), and in 1816 he began publishing "Russian History" in his magazine (first I-VI parts). This work was a rather lightweight compilation, devoid of any scientific apparatus. It contains a lot of rhetoric generally characteristic of G.'s works, a lot of pathos, but no research at all. Without attracting new documents, without analyzing old ones, G. could not, of course, write scientific history Russia; Moreover, he was not at all prepared for this by his previous studies, and G.’s nature - expansive, unbalanced, carried away, did not dispose to scientific work. Despite, however, all its shortcomings and high price - its last edition cost, for example, 40 rubles - G.'s "History" had famous success and went through 3 editions: M., 1817-18, 10 hours, M., 1818-19, 10 hours and M., 1823-25, 14 hours. To pay the university printing house for printing 3rd ed. G. was given 6 thousand rubles from the treasury; at the same time, he was awarded a ring worth 3 thousand rubles.

Since 1817, G. tried once again to devote himself to teaching and set up a boarding school for Don residents in Moscow. At the end of this year, A.V. Ilovaisky came to Moscow with one of his sons and the son of another Donetsk and asked G. to take them in for upbringing. G., according to him, refused for a long time, but, he says in his “Notes” (p. 311), “the proud thought that I would lay the foundation for the education of the Don youth, and the passion for education won,” and he opened a boarding school for the Don people. His wife then told him: “We will go broke again, it will be worse than the twelfth year: you are still dreaming!” And her fears came true. The inept management of the boarding house, unfavorable rumors for G. about the system of his upbringing and education, as a result of which parents began to take their children out of the boarding school - all this forced G. to close his establishment at the end of 1819 with a deficit of 10 thousand rubles. There was nothing to pay the debts with, literary work there was little, and G. was in great poverty. He generally lived in poverty all his life, but the time from the end of 1819 to September 1823 was especially difficult for him; all household things were already pawned. In September 1823, Glinka unexpectedly received 6 thousand rubles. according to the will of his acquaintance, musician Albert Fischer, but almost all of this amount went to pay off debts, and he still could only count on occasional literary earnings; receiving an inheritance only provided the opportunity to buy winter clothes. So, says G. (Notes, p. 327), “we dragged on at a cancerous pace until the end of 1824.” G.'s works did not go well at all, especially his “Russian History” (in 1823-25, as indicated above, its 3rd edition was published) after a negative review of it in the “Telegraph”. The then Minister of Public Education A.S. Shishkov took part in the city. At the end of 1824, he wrote to G. that “the Russian Academy will not fail to pay attention” to the 3rd edition. his “History”, and then invited him to write a note about his service and his writings. In view of this, G. decided to go to St. Petersburg. While he was thinking about what to wear and with what funds to go, a Moscow tailor unexpectedly appeared to him and said that he was “ordered to take measurements for both the cotton hood, and the cotton frock coat, and the whole pair.” As it turned out later, the tailor was sent to G. by a Moscow merchant, V.V. Vargin.

In February 1825, G. arrived in St. Petersburg. Here he met support in conservative literary circles. By the way, the historiographer H. M. Karamzin took part in it. Based on the report of Shishkov G., the above reward was issued - 6 thousand rubles. and a ring worth 3 thousand rubles. Then, according to Karamzin, who found that G.’s “Russian History”, “in its presentation of incidents and in its moral purpose, deserves to be classic book", a second report was drawn up on G. Without waiting for its results, G. left for Moscow. In May of this year, G. received a notification from Prince P. A. Shirinsky-Shikhmatov (director of the office of the Ministry of Public Education since 1824, writer of the Shishkov camp), “that His Majesty did not deign to retire,” since G. was not serving, but promised “temporary assistance.” In July, G. again went to St. Petersburg to ask for service. He sought from Shishkov the position of director of the gymnasium. in some city, but he refused this and promised to appoint him as a censor in Moscow when the new censorship regulations were passed; in the meantime, he promised to give him some place at Moscow University. Upon his return to Moscow, G. received (with). November 19) the position of “chief proofreader of the university printing house,” which offended him a lot as a writer. Therefore, he sent the following letter to the trustee of Moscow University, A. A. Pisarev: “since I have never submitted any application to take the position of chief editor anywhere.” proofreader, then, on the basis of all laws, I refuse not only this, but also any communication with Moscow University."

The years 1819-26 were unproductive in literary creativity G.: he gradually brought to naught the publication of the "R. Bulletin", which ceased in 1825, published in support of it "Children's Reading" and "Plutarch in favor of education", and, in addition, he separately published the "Moscow Almanac" for the fair sex" in 1826 (at the suggestion of Zhukovsky, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna awarded G. a precious ring for this book). The search for income forced him, among other things, to take up the translation of La Fontaine's fables, for 5 rubles. Ass. for each; in total they translated 100 fables. In addition, in 1826 he was engaged in composing tombstone inscriptions. Finally, several hundred rubles were given to him for poems composed on the occasion of Nicholas I awarding Alexander I's saber to the Don Army ("Message to the Soldiers" quiet Don, on the occasion of the saber granted to them by the now reigning Sovereign Emperor of the late Sovereign Imp. Alexandra I. M., 1826 8°). He then published almanacs: “Forget-me-not, Moscow almanac for 1827.” (M., 1826 12°) and "Moscow Almanac for 1828." (M., 1828. 16°). When the censorship charter of 1826 was issued, G. was offered the position of censor in Moscow. Having familiarized himself with the statute, G. declared that “by virtue of such a cast-iron statute” he could not be a censor, because on the basis of it the “Our Father” could be banned. G. now asked for a position as a circuit inspector over private boarding houses, but was refused with the instruction that if he did not accept the position of censor, he would not receive any position. G. gave in, and on October 1, 1827, he was appointed censor to the Moscow Censorship Committee, which nevertheless ensured his existence. At the same time, he managed to find a home for his children. In 1826, he submitted a request to the Commission of Petitions, which was chaired by Prince. A. N. Golitsyna, pointing to her heavy Family status. Soon he received a request, where did he want to place his children? G replied that “having once entrusted his children to God and the Sovereign, he renounces all his own orders.” Then 8 of his children were accepted under the Highest patronage into various educational institutions. Since one of his sons entered the Moscow Cadet Corps, G. continued from 1828 to 1830. composed patriotic plays for cadet performances (as far as is known, they were not published).

G.'s service in the censorship committee lasted until 1830 and caused him a lot of trouble. G. treated his duties rather carelessly. On the one hand, by his nature he did not at all fit the type of censor under the charter of 1826 and was unable to painstakingly pore over other people's writings; he was not a careerist official who could read between the lines. On the other hand, and due to his convictions, he did not consider it necessary to do this, believing that “prisons, chains and axes” cannot support autocratic rule (Notes, p. 350). Not wanting to restrict the freedom of speech of the authors of submitted manuscripts, he often signed them for publication without reading them. A clash with the publisher of the "Bulletin of Europe" Kachenovsky due to the fact that G. missed a phrase in the "Telegraph" that the "Bulletin of Europe" comes out of the university on meager legs; the story of the publication of poems by N. A. Kashintsov for the arrival of Nicholas I in Moscow in 1830 (G. let them through in addition to the censorship committee); G.'s arrest because of the maiden Teplova's poem on the death of a drowned young man with the words “the waves are hitting his tomb” - this was seen as an allusion to December 14 and the prisoners of the Peter and Paul Fortress - all this quickly led to resignation. When G. was arrested and sat in the guardhouse of Ivan the Great, there was a real pilgrimage to him - 300 people visited him in 3-4 days; this Moscow society protested against the censorship strictness of that time. But at the same time, many began to shun G., since rumors began to circulate in Moscow that he was an agent of the secret police. Apparently, he himself gave rise to these rumors with one careless phrase. Censor Dvigubsky delayed the manuscript “City and Country Manager” for a long time, despite requests from its owner to speed up its consideration. More than once I asked Dvigubsky and G. about the same thing, but it was all in vain. Then G., wanting to do a favor to the owner of the manuscript, once whispered to the secretary of the censorship committee that if the manuscript was not immediately sealed by the hand of the censor, he would go to the secret police and report the oppression being done by the committee. The manuscript was immediately passed through, and G. acquired the nickname of a secret police agent. which quarreled him with most of Moscow society. In addition, he began to be considered an agent of some secret societies, were accused of Freemasonry and Illuminism. The basis for the latter was a book published by G. entitled: “Considérations morales sur la presse périodique en France,” in which he defended freedom of speech. This book was published in No. 12 of La Revue Encyclopédique, and this issue was delivered to the chairman of the censorship committee, Prince. S. M. Golitsyn, who replaced Pisarev, who was disposed to G. Finally, the story played out with a pass in the Moscow Telegraph (supplement to the Telegraph "New Painter of Societies and Literature" 1830, No. 10, May) of a libel against Prince Yusupov (“Morning in the office of a noble master”) regarding Pushkin’s “Message to Prince Yu.”, and G. was dismissed from the post of censor in 1830, with the appointment, however, of a pension.

Soon G. left Moscow, first for Smolensk, and then for St. Petersburg, considering it impossible to stay any longer in Moscow due to the rumors circulating there about him (see about this his letter to Ks. A. Polevoy from Smolensk dated January 19, 1835 - " Notes of K. Polevoy"). In St. Petersburg, he continued to enjoy the support of Shishkov and Zhukovsky. With the assistance of the former, he received from the Academy of Sciences an allowance for the publication of “Notes on Moscow and on foreign incidents from the end of 1812 to half of 1815.” (SPb., 1837). Zhukovsky facilitated the penetration of this book to the Court. Through him, G. received in January 1841 a subscription from the Heir to the book “Essays on the life and works of Sumarokov,” in 3 parts (St. Petersburg, 1841), and 400 rubles. A year later, G. published the book “Russians in Their Valor” (St. Petersburg, 1842), and in the “Journal of M. Nar. Prosv.” in 1843 he published “Essay on the Character of Suvorov.”

IN last years G.'s life became blind, and therefore could no longer write; then the daughter began to write from his dictation. He died on April 5, 1847 and was buried at the Volkov cemetery in St. Petersburg.

G. was an honorary member of the Imperial Moscow Society of Naturalists and the Society of Lovers of Commercial Knowledge. According to everyone who knew G., he was an original and eccentric person. S. T. Aksakov, who served with him in the Censorship Committee, portrays him as a man “dressed extremely casually, always with a half-shaven beard and strange movements, not subject to any form of public or official decency.” According to Polevoy, he was always in a hurry, but he drove the worst cabs, always dreaming and reciting; in the spring he rode two cabs at the same time: where possible, on a sleigh, and where not, on wheels. At dinner he splashed and scattered the food, got his sleeves into the soup and talked incessantly. “He always wore one suit,” says A. A. Kononov, without changing either color or cut: a blue or gray tailcoat and a soft round hat.” Direct, open, truthful and kind in character, G. at the same time could be quarrelsome and inconsistent. Having studied French well since childhood and German languages, he cursed the French language, like everything French, during the era of the fight against Napoleon, and then repented of writing in Russian and wanted to write only in the language worldwide, i.e. French.

G. wrote very a lot - dramas, stories, poems, arguments, but almost everything he wrote has now been forgotten, and thus the words of A.F. Voeikov were justified that from all his “prolific works a small book will be cut out.” He was of a hasty disposition, says Aksakov, and was all about impulses, so everything he wrote quickly lost its value. Currently, his notes about 1812 and his autobiographical notes are of interest, although they are written very subjectively, with great pathos, constant digressions and a large share of rhetoric. Some of his memoirs appeared during the author’s lifetime in various magazines, some - after his death; they were published in full by "Russian Antiquity" (St. Petersburg, 1895) and the preface to them indicates where and when they were published in excerpts earlier. Indications of G.'s works can be found in the following books: 1) Reference Dictionary of G. N. Gennadi, 2) Dictionary of Metropolitan. Evgenia, 3) B. Fedorov, “Fiftieth anniversary of the literary life of S. N. Glinka.” St. Petersburg, 1844

Of the 5 sons of S.N.G., two are involved in literature: the eldest son Vladimir Sergeevich(born February 18, 1813) published the drama “The Youth of the Monastery, a true story of the 13th century” (St. Petersburg, 1837) and “Maloyaroslavets in 1812, where the fate of Napoleon’s large army was decided” (St. Petersburg, 1842), with a foreword and epilogue by his father the author, and the third son Vasily Sergeevich(born in July 1821 or 1825), who studied at St. Petersburg University and served in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, collaborated in the "Notes of the Fatherland" in 1854, "Iskra" in 1859, and "Russian Bulletin". One of S.N.’s daughters, Anna, when she was 11 years old, wrote a poem “On the death of the charitable Empress Maria Feodorovna” (published in the Ladies’ Magazine, 1828, No. 24).

Metropolitan Eugene, "Dictionary of Secular Writers", vol. I; Gennadi, G. N., “Reference Dictionary of Russian Writers”, vol. I; Berezin, "Russian Encyclopedic Dictionary", vol. V; Starchevsky, " encyclopedic Dictionary"; Brockhaus-Efron, "Encyclopedic Dictionary", vol. VII; Granat, "Encyclopedic Dictionary", (new ed.), vol. 15; Lobanov-Rostovsky, "Russian Genealogical Book", vol. I (in Glinka's genealogy year of birth of S.N. - 1776); "St. Petersburg Necropolis", vol. I; "Dictionary of members of the Society of Lovers of Russian Literature"; Wolf, "Chronicle of St. Petersburg Theaters", part I; "Moskovskie Vedomosti" dated April 10, 1808. . (about the production of "Bayan"); N. I. Grech, "Notes about my life", Suvorin's edition, 1886; I. I. Dmitriev, "Little things from the stock of my memory", pp. 102-113, 241 ; K. A. Polevoy, “Notes”, pp. 233-55, (here is a letter from G. to Polevoy dated January 19, 1835, from Smolensk, explaining the reasons for G.’s departure from Moscow); in "Proceedings of General. loves. Russian literature.", 1812, part 4, pp. 68-69; "Spirit of Journals", 1816, No. 13, pp. 112-120; "Son of the Fatherland", 1822, No. 17, p. 137; "Moscow Telegraph", 1830, no. 1, p. 86; "Galatea", 1830, no. 1; "Ladies' Magazine", 1833, part 42, no. 19, p. 90; Son of the Fatherland", 1839, No. 9, Dept. VI, p. 87; "A magazine for reading brought up. military training head.", 1844; vol. 51, no. 203; B. Fedorov, "Fiftieth anniversary of literature. life of S. N. Glinka", St. Petersburg, 1844; "Mayak", 1844, vol. 16, No. 7, pp. 1-37; "Domestic Notes", 1844, vol. 36, p. . 75-76, 226-27; "Journal of Min. Nar. Prosv.", 1844, part 44, vol. V, p. 205, 1847, part 54, pp. 13-14 (obituaries); Prince P. A. Vyazemsky, "SPb. Ved.," 1847, No. 277-78, and in "Works", vol. II, pp. 335-47, and vol. VIII, pp. 365, 383 and 483; "Ved. Petersburg mountains police", 1847, No. 76; "Otechestv. Notes", 1847, vol. 52, department VIII, p. 59; Prince P. A. Vyazemsky, in "Moskov. Vedom.", 1848, Nos. 3 and 8; S. T. Aksakov, in "Russian. Conversation", 1856, IV, and 1858, III, book 2; A. A. Kononov, "Notes" in "Bibliogr. Zap.", 1859, vol. II, no. 10, pp. 510-513; A. Galakhov, "Historical. Reader", part P, pp. 224 et seq.; F. F. Vigel, "Notes"; Iv. Panaev, "Notes", p. 113; Works of Derzhavin, 2nd academic ed., vol. VI , pp. 20, 223-224, here are 3 letters from G. to Derzhavin, pp. 199-204; “Russian Antiquity”, 1874, vol. IX 590, Voeikov, “The Madhouse”, here is the famous quatrain:

Number three: on the couch,

True Glinka will sit;

Before him is the “Russian spirit” in a bottle

It's not clogged.

(in the publication "Madhouses of Madmen" edited by I. Rozanov and N. Sidorov, - "Universal Bible." No. 537, M. 1911, see note on pp. 36-37); F. Glinka, “Letters of a Russian officer”; Voeikov, "Russian Arch.", 1866, No. 5, p. 763; K. S. Serbinovich, "Russian Star.", 1874, vol. XI, p. 237; book V. Bayushev, "Russian Arch.", 1875, vol. 3, "Russian Arch.", 1875, No. 7, pp. 274, 298, 299-301, 305-6, No. 8, pp. 373-75, 391, no. 9 - 12 (Art. Popova), 1899 vol. II, pp. 83-91 (S. Glinka, “Two letters from Prince P. A. Vyazemsky,” Letter from S. N. Glinka to V. A. Zhukovsky); "Russian Star.", 1877, vol. XX, p. 573, 1898, No. 2, p. 246, M.I.P., in "Nov. Vr.", 1897, no. ; "Russian Star.", 1898, No. 2, p. 246; Batyushkov, op. edited by Maykov and Saitov, in 3 vols. (see Indicate); A. N. Pypin, “History of Russian literature,” vol. III, p. 488, vol. IV, pp. 295, 302, 308, 325; his “Social Movement under Alexander I”; Barsukov, "Life and Works of Pogodin", vol. I, II, III, IV. VI, VII, VIII, XI, XVI and XVIII (see Index in volume XXII); "Ostafievsky Archive", vol. I; "The Voice of the Past", 1913, No. 2, p. 272, No. 6, p. 25; "Archive of the Turgenev Brothers", vol. II, pp. xli and 345; Bogdanovich, "History of the reign of Alexander I"; "History of Russian literature. XIX century." edited by prof. Ovsyaniko-Kulikovsky, vol. I, vol. II (art. Prof. Zamotin, about Russian magazines early XIX c.), vol. V; "Patriotic War and Russian society", collection of articles edited by Dzhivelegov, Melgunov and Pichet, vol. V, article by K. V. Sivkov, "War and censorship", article by professor I. I. Zamotin, "Russian. Vestn. S. N. Glinka"; V. I. Semevsky, "Political and social ideas Decembrists", pp. 21 and 28; "Book for reading on the history of modern times. time" edited by the Historical Commission. Academic Department. O. R. T. Zn., vol. IV, part 2, art. Kataev. For a list of reviews and reviews of individual works, see "Sources of the Dictionary of Russian Writers" Prof. S. A. Vengerova, vol. I. About you, see M. I. Semevsky, “Album. Acquaintances", p. 32; about the work of Vlad. Serg. G. "Maloyaroslavets" see "Otech. Notes", vol. 23, department VI, p. 45.

K. Sivkov.

(Polovtsov)

Glinka, Sergey Nikolaevich

Writer-activist of the twelfth year. Born into a noble family of the Smolensk province in 1776, and at the age of seven he entered the ground cadet corps, from where he was graduated in 1795 and appointed adjutant to the prince. Yu. V. Dolgoruky in Moscow. In 1800, after the death of his father, he retired as a major, renounced his inheritance in favor of his sister, and went to Ukraine as a teacher. After staying there for three years, he returned to Moscow and took the place of writer and translator at the theater. Until this time, he wrote many poems and stories, and also translated Jung's Nights (M., 1806). In 1807 he joined the militia and was a brigade major in the Sychevsky squad. In 1808 he founded the magazine "Russian Vestn.", dedicated to the fight against French influence. The public mood was very favorable to G.'s activities, and although both the appearance and the internal content of his magazine were very drab, he attracted the attention of the public and influential spheres. This was especially clearly expressed during the popular excitement of 1812, when G. was awarded the Order of Vladimir, 4th class, and a lover of spectacular tirades, gr. F.V. Rostopchin told him: “I loosen your tongue for everything useful for the fatherland, and your hands for an extraordinary sum of three hundred thousand.” Book P. A. Vyazemsky says: “Glinka was born a tribune of the people, but a legal tribune, a tribune of the government.” In fact, he was a disorderly enthusiast, completely incapable of consistent activity. Voeikov’s characterization of G. in “The Madhouse” is very apt: his patriotic passion went so far as to recognize Racine’s “Athalie” as stolen from the Russian Stoglav, and “Andromache” as an imitation of “The Burial of a Cat.” The success of the "Russian Messenger" was, according to G. himself, short-lived; after the twelfth year the journal actually ceased, and a number of drab textbooks on Russian history were published under this name. Along with the publication of the magazine, Glinka acted in patriotic plays: “Natalia, the Boyar’s Daughter” (St. Petersburg, 1806); "Mikhail Prince of Chernigov" (M., 1808); "Olga the Beautiful", opera (M., 1808); "Boyan" (M., 1808); "Minin", drama (M., 1809); “The Siege of Poltava”, drama (M., 1810), etc. He also wrote poems and stories in verse: “Pozharsky and Minin or the donations of the Russians” (M., 1807): “Tsarina Natalya Kirillovna” (M., 1809) , - and many historical and moral stories and anecdotes in prose. His collected works were published in Moscow (1817-1820). "Russian Bulletin" ceased in 1824, and in 1821-23 it was replaced by "New Children's Reading" and "Plutarch for Children". In 1827 G. was appointed censor in Moscow. censorship committee, where he earned his pension and then retired. Until the end of his life, he did not give up literature, wrote a lot of poems, stories, children's books, published almanacs, etc. From the immense mass of what he wrote, one should also mention: “Notes about 1812” (St. Petersburg, 1836); "Notes about Moscow" (St. Petersburg, 1837); "Essays on the life and selected works of A. Sumarokov" (St. Petersburg, 1841); "Russian Reading" (St. Petersburg, 1845). G. did not have any noticeable literary talent; The only interesting things are his notes, scattered across various publications. Despite all his hobbies, G. was a straightforward, honest, disinterested person: suffice it to say that three hundred thousand rubles were given to him. he returned it to the treasury without spending a penny of it. † Apr 5 1847

See B. Fedorov "50th anniversary of G.'s literary life." (SPb., 1844) and op. book P. A. Vyazemsky, vol. II.

M. Mazaev.

Excellent definition

Incomplete definition ↓

GLINKA, SERGEY NIKOLAEVICH(1775, according to other sources 1776–1847), Russian writer, journalist, translator. Born on July 5 (16), 1755 (according to other sources, 1756) in the village of Sutoki, Dukhovshchinsky district, Smolensk province. in a poor noble family. Older brother of F.N. Glinka. In 1782–1794, a graduate of the Land Noble Cadet Corps, he was released into the Guard as a lieutenant. In his youth, he was fond of the sentimentalist-enlightenment ideas of J. J. Rousseau with his cult of the “natural” person and “natural” education. While studying Russian literature with Ya.B. Knyazhnin and P.A. Plavilshchikov, I deeply accepted Travel from St. Petersburg to Moscow A.N. Radishcheva, in European periodicals, closely followed the events of the Great French Revolution, translated into Russian Marseillaise. The idea of ​​the state as a family, alien to slavery and despotism, and of the good of an enlightened monarchy, is expressed by Glinka in his first published poem Song to Great Catherine(1796). Highly appreciating the role of the individual in the moral progress of society, he was actively involved in charity work (he released his last serf in 1808).

In 1800, he retired with the rank of major and worked (like Rousseau) as a home teacher in the family of a Ukrainian landowner; from 1802 he lived in Moscow as a professional writer (translations, incl. The history of the human mind from the first successes of enlightenment to Epicurus E. Condillac, 1804; historical dramas Natalya, boyar's daughter, 1806, Mikhail, Prince of Chernigov, 1808, heroic opera to the music of the former serf composer D.N. Kashin Olga the Beautiful, 1808, Minin, 1808, The siege of the city of Poltava, or the Oath of the Poltava residents, 1810; poems, incl. Pozharsky and Minin, or Donations of Russians, 1807, Tsarina Natalya Kirillovna, 1809). In 1806–1807 he served in the militia, and on the wave of anti-Napoleonic patriotic inspiration he came to preach the so-called. national direction (which was reflected in the content of both his plays and the Russian Bulletin magazine he published in 1808–1820 and in 1824, which was polemically directed against N.M. Karamzin’s Bulletin of Europe). A specific program for the reconstruction of society through educational means (refusal of “luxury and fashion”, meekness, humility, charity, etc.). were an idealization of pre-Petrine antiquity and fictional modern types(stories Sanity and Plenira, educators of their children, Good father, Russian midwife and others, dept. edition – Russian historical and moral stories, 1810), journalistic speeches (including satires and pamphlets against Gallomania), proving the superiority of everything Russian (character, customs, language, culture, history; Russian jokes...(parts 1–5), dep. editions 1811, 1820, 1822). Although Glinka strove for the position of an independent writer, objectively his position brought him closer to the circle of A.S. Shishkov and other Slavophiles (including F.N. Glinka’s brother), causing attacks by “Westerners” and ridicule of the literary community (satire by A. .F.Voeykova Madhouse, Vision on the Shores of Lethe K.N. Batyushkova and others).

In 1812, S. Glinka was the first to enroll in the Moscow militia, equipped the militia at his own expense, organized the collection of donations for widows and orphans, with ardent patriotic speeches he earned the fame of a people's tribune and was awarded the Order of St. Vladimir, 4th degree “For love of the Fatherland, proven writings and deeds."

Since the late 1810s, due to unsuccessful attempt the foundation in 1818–1819 of a boarding school for the children of officers of the Don Army, the decline in reader interest in his magazine and literary works(his Russian history, 2nd ed. in 8 parts, 1817–1818; 3rd ed. in 14 parts, 1923–1825) To earn money, Glinka was mainly engaged in compiling historical moralizing works ( Review of history Armenian people... , 1932–1833, etc.), translations, poems and speeches “on occasion”, publication of the “Moscow Almanac” (1826–1830), participation in the “Ladies’ Magazine” by P.I. Shalikov (under the pseudonym. Dreamer), etc. .P. In 1827–1830 - censor of the Moscow Censorship Committee (dismissed for neglect of his duties). An invincible faith in the good nature of man, encyclopedic education, close attention to the spiritual processes of past and contemporary Russia were also manifested in Glinka’s numerous literary and journalistic essays (including Essays on the life and selected works of A.P. Sumarokov, 1941, Russian reading... Domestic historical monuments XVIII and XIX century , 1845) and especially in memoirs ( Notes about 1812, 1836, Notes about Moscow and foreign incidents from the end of 1812 to half of 1815., 1837, etc.).

Glinka (Sergei Nikolaevich) - writer-activist of the twelfth year. Born into a noble family of the Smolensk province in 1776, and at the age of seven he entered the ground cadet corps, from where he was graduated in 1795 and appointed adjutant to the prince. Yu. V. Dolgoruky in Moscow. In 1800, after the death of his father, he retired as a major, renounced his inheritance in favor of his sister, and went to Ukraine as a teacher. After staying there for three years, he returned to Moscow and took the place of writer and translator at the theater. Until this time, he wrote many poems and stories, and also translated “Jung’s Nights” (M., 1806). In 1807 he joined the militia and was a brigade major in the Sychevsky squad. In 1808 he founded the magazine “Rus. Vestn.”, dedicated to the fight against French influence. The public mood was very favorable to G.'s activities, and although both the appearance and the internal content of his magazine were very drab, he attracted the attention of the public and influential spheres. This was especially clearly expressed during the popular excitement of 1812, when G. was awarded the Order of Vladimir, 4th class, and a lover of spectacular tirades, gr. F.V. Rostopchin told him: “I loosen your tongue for everything useful for the fatherland, and your hands for an extraordinary sum of three hundred thousand.” Book P. A. Vyazemsky says: “Glinka was born a tribune of the people, but a legal tribune, a tribune of the government.” In fact, he was a disorderly enthusiast, completely incapable of consistent activity. Voeikov’s characterization of G. in “The Madhouse” is very apt: his patriotic passion went so far as to recognize Racine’s “Athalie” as stolen from the Russian Stoglav, and “Andromache” as an imitation of “The Burial of a Cat.” The success of the “Russian Messenger” was, according to G. himself, short-lived; after the twelfth year the journal actually ceased, and a number of drab textbooks on Russian history were published under this name. Along with the publication of the magazine, Glinka acted in patriotic plays: “Natalia, the Boyar’s Daughter” (St. Petersburg, 1806); “Mikhail Prince of Chernigov” (M., 1808); “Olga the Beautiful”, opera (M., 1808); "Boyan" (M., 1808); "Minin", drama (M., 1809); “The Siege of Poltava”, drama (M., 1810), etc. He also wrote poems and stories in verse: “Pozharsky and Minin or the donations of the Russians” (M., 1807): “Tsarina Natalya Kirillovna” (M., 1809) , - and many historical and moral stories and anecdotes in prose. His collected works were published in Moscow (1817-1820). “Russian Bulletin” ceased to exist in 1824, and in 1821-23 it was replaced by “New Children’s Reading” and “Plutarch for Children.” In 1827 G. was appointed censor in Moscow. censorship committee, where he earned his pension and then retired. Until the end of his life, he did not give up literature, wrote a lot of poems, stories, children's books, published almanacs, etc. From the immense mass of what he wrote, one should also mention: “Notes about 1812” (St. Petersburg, 1836); “Notes about Moscow” (St. Petersburg, 1837); “Life Sketches and Selected Op. A. Sumarokov" (St. Petersburg, 1841); “Russian Reading” (St. Petersburg, 1845). G. did not have any noticeable literary talent; The only interesting things are his notes, scattered across various publications. Despite all his hobbies, G. was a straightforward, honest, disinterested person: suffice it to say that three hundred thousand rubles were given to him. he returned it to the treasury without spending a penny of it. † Apr 5 1847 See B. Fedorov “50th anniversary of lit. life G." (SPb., 1844) and op. book P. A. Vyazemsky, vol. II.

“Souls fought in the Patriotic War:

and who can calculate the strength and impulse of the soul?

S.N. Glinka. Notes about 1812.

In the galaxy of heroes of 1812, the name of Sergei Nikolaevich Glinka occupies a special place. He was not in the ranks of the fighting army, but he certainly belonged to it with his warlike pen. His field was public education. He, in his own words, “gave direction to the people’s spirit.” Prince P.A. Vyazemsky, assessing the social role of S.N. Glinka, said about him: “Glinka was born a tribune of the people, but a legal tribune, a tribune of the government.” However, Glinka took on this role independently, voluntarily and disinterestedly, and it was undeniably recognized by all his contemporaries as extremely useful and significant. He was the first to understand the meaning of the word addressed to the national feeling of the Russian people and to national memory. Then, in the words of Prince P.A. Vyazemsky, “Russia has not yet been found”; N.M. Karamzin was just writing his “History”, and S.N. Glinka was the first to draw the attention of the Russian people to the dignity of Russian history, Russian national life and Russian character. Moreover, he did this precisely when Russia most needed to rely on its own strength - during the era of the fight against Napoleon.

But first, a little about S.N. himself. Glinka. He was born into a noble family in 1775 (according to the tombstone inscription) or 1776 (according to his “Notes”) in the village. Days of the Dukhovshchinsky district of the Smolensk province. His father, Nikolai Ilyich, served in the guard in his youth and upon retirement settled in the village. This is where Sergei Glinka’s initial education began. The boy was distinguished by a good memory (Glinka always remembered a lot from what he learned and read and easily quoted numerous authors), his studies were easy. In 1781, Catherine II, during a trip to Belarus, stopped at the Glinok estate, the village of Kholm. N.I. Glinka was at that time a police captain in the Dukhovshchinsky district. As a sign of favor for the reception given, Catherine enrolled his two sons, including Sergei, into the Land Gentry Corps in St. Petersburg. There, in 1782, S. Glinka’s real training began.

The building was one of the best in those years educational institutions in Russia. It was led by Lieutenant General and Adjutant General of Catherine II, Count F.E. Anhalt. He was a wonderful teacher. According to Glinka himself, Count Anhalt sought to gain the trust of his pupils, awaken in them an interest in knowledge, and encouraged creativity. The development of Glinka’s imagination and fantasy was also facilitated by his studies in Russian literature; at one time they were taught by the writer Yakov Borisovich Knyazhnin. Glinka began writing while still in the corps, encouraged by his mentors (epistles, poems dedicated to special occasions, etc.).

Already at this time, those character traits, which remained in him throughout his life: dreaminess and enthusiasm. They identified him as a poet. When, after the death of Count Anhalt, M was appointed director of the corps . I. Kutuzov, then Glinka greeted him with a solemn speech. After listening to her, Kutuzov said: “He will not serve as a soldier for long; he will be a writer,” and he turned out to be right.

Glinka left the corps in 1795 and, with the rank of lieutenant, moved to Moscow, where he became aide-de-camp to Prince Yu.V. Dolgorukova. Two years later he was transferred to a regiment under the command of M.I. Kutuzov.

In 1806, military storms again called on Glinka to join the military ranks - he was a brigade major in the Sychevsky militia squad. But again not for long - the Peace of Tilsit that followed in 1807 frees him from the feat of arms, but calls him to the feat of writing. His literary work is now inspired exclusively by motifs of Russian history. The following plays came from his pen: “Mikhail Prince of Chernigov” (M., 1808); “Olga the Beautiful”, opera (M., 1808); "Boyan" (M., 1808); "Minin", drama (M., 1809); “The Siege of Poltava,” drama (M., 1810), etc., as well as poems and stories in verse: “Pozharsky and Minin, or Donations of the Russians” (M., 1807); “Tsarina Natalya Kirillovna” (M., 1809) - and many historical stories and anecdotes in prose.

But a truly significant phenomenon not only in the literary, but also in the socio-political life of Moscow, which quickly stepped beyond its borders, became the magazine “Russian Bulletin”, which Glinka began publishing in 1808. “All over Russia, especially in the provinces,” writes Prince P.A. Vyazemsky, - they read him with greed and faith; capitals in general all, more or less, adhere to cosmopolitanism. Mainly in the first years of its existence, the magazine had historical and political significance. Its title alone was already a banner. At that time, Napoleon's lust for power and victories, gradually enslaving Europe, threatened the independence of all states. It was necessary to support and ignite the people's spirit, awaken its strength, recalling the valor of their ancestors, who also fought for the honor and integrity of the fatherland. The spirit of foreignness could then be truly dangerous. It was necessary to counteract him with all our might and means. In such circumstances, even excesses and extreme beliefs had a place. Reproachful words: gallomania, French lovers, then in use, had full meaning. They were not fired into the air, but at a direct target. It was necessary to fight not only on the battlefield, but also to fight against morals, prejudices, and cowardly habits. Europe has become polarized. Russia, pressed to its steppes; the question was presented: to be or not to be, that is, to follow the general flow and be absorbed in it, or to persist until death or until victory? Glinka’s pen was the first in Rus' to begin exchanging fire with the enemy.”

In the very first issue of the new magazine, Glinka stated his program guidelines: “Publishing Russian Herald, I intend to offer readers everything that directly relates to Russian. All our exercises, actions, feelings and thoughts should have the Fatherland as their goal; On this unanimous desire the common good is based.”

This “desire to introduce Russians more and more to Russia” was new and turned out to be in tune with a common need; it came in handy when Russia was tormented by the humiliation of the Peace of Tilsit and needed sources of strength. Glinka showed that such sources are contained in herself - in her history and in her people. He aimed his magazine at fulfilling two tasks: “awakening the national spirit” and “challenging a new, inevitable struggle” - meaning, of course, the fight against Napoleon. The inevitability of this struggle, according to Glinka, stemmed from the very independence of the Russian national character.

The anti-French direction of the Russian Messenger did not escape the watchful eye of Napoleon: his ambassador Caulaincourt in 1808 complained to Emperor Alexander I about some articles of the Russian Messenger, including the article about Tilsit. Glinka “for political reasons was fired from the Moscow theater” (which he was proud of as a reward all his life), but the magazine was not closed. It is noteworthy that the tsar learned about the existence of the Russian Messenger only thanks to Napoleon. This clearly indicates that the magazine was devoid of any bias.

In Moscow, among wide circles of readers and even among university youth, “Russian Messenger” enjoyed great popularity; from the provincial cities Glinka also received expressions of enthusiastic gratitude for his courageous performance against the French and defense of Russian honor.

How inspiring the example of the “Russian Messenger” was can be judged at least from the words of the historian M.P. Pogodin: “Your “Russian Bulletin” of 1808, with portraits of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, Dmitry Donskoy and Zotov,” he wrote to Glinka, “aroused in me the first feeling of love for the fatherland, Russian feeling, and I am grateful to you forever and ever."

Awakening public interest in Russian culture and history, Glinka argued that Russian culture, even before Peter I, had high power and originality, and therefore did not need any borrowing and should develop along its own path. Glinka criticized the Russian nobility for gallomania, which, in his opinion, appeared as a result of the influence of foreign fashions, luxury and education and, as he believed, was a transitional form to liberalism and direct revolutionism. As a result of Gallomania, the Russian nobility actually formed “in the depths” of the fatherland “ foreign region"(Russian Bulletin. 1808. No. 4. P. 38.). However, he is convinced that “alien customs, no matter how deeply rooted, cannot destroy the natural properties of Russians” (1809. No. 2. P. 235), because “ indigenous and primitive the property of peoples is never completely exterminated” (1810. No. 9. P. 104).

According to Glinka, only “Russian education” can put an end to gallomania, the core of which should be the study of Russian history, an appeal to “antiquity” and the Russian past, and the rejection of French fashions and luxury goods, which ruined the Russian nobility and led to the deterioration of public morality. “So, noticing current morals, education, customs, fashion and so on, we will contrast them, not fictions romantic, but the morals and virtues of our forefathers.” It is for this purpose that he promises to present on the pages of the Russian Messenger “a new national history; a story about good deeds and charitable institutions"(1808. No. 1. P. 4, 6).

“Charity” takes a lot important place in the system of his worldview. “O strength and power of charity! you soften hearts everywhere; through you the path overgrown with thorns is transformed into blossoming paths!” (1809. No. 3. P. 441). This is the greatest virtue, which for Glinka is the touchstone of human dignity and a real expression of his love for the Fatherland, which, according to Glinka, is, first of all, love for one’s neighbors. The magazine "Russian Messenger" in each issue contains news about benefactors and the charitable deeds of people of various classes, usually accompanying them with discussions about the power and benefits of charity.

From here naturally follows the concept of “common benefit” as an integral part of love for the Fatherland: “Without striving for the common good, private benefit is a ghost that, instantly seducing, forever plunges into neglect of oneself and the glory of the Fatherland” (1811. No. 7. C . 123). Love for the homeland, Glinka is convinced, is instilled in man by the “Creator of Nature” himself, and “whoever does not love the homeland, that is, the place where he enjoyed the affection of his father and mother, cannot love anything” (1812. No. 8. P. 24 -25).

Glinka condemned the materialist philosophers of the 18th century, who promised “limitless enlightenment, unlimited freedom,” and rejected “these dreams of an inflamed and vain imagination” (1808. No. 1. P. 6). In contrast to the atheistic and materialistic ideology of the Enlightenment, Glinka put forward the triune formula “God. Faith. Fatherland" (1811. No. 8. P. 71). Its socio-political and philosophical views were based on a Christian worldview, which presupposed adherence to the principles of Orthodox morality. Glinka is characterized by the likening of all social relationships to family ones: he considered God as the father of humanity, the monarch as the father of his subjects, the boss (landowner, commander, official, etc.) as the father of his subordinates. The state was presented in Glinka's image as a large family in which harmony reigns and all members selflessly serve each other. Relations of mutual subordination formed a complex social hierarchy, when each person voluntarily performed his functions, seeing this as his highest duty. At the same time, the monarch had the greatest responsibility compared to his subjects.

Only by sacredly fulfilling his duty to the Fatherland does a nobleman achieve the “name noble man and is awarded the advantages and distinctions provided to him by the Fatherland” (1809. No. 3. P. 413).

Thus, Glinka builds a triune program of specific actions: “domestic education”, “active charity” and “zealous performance of one’s position” - these are three elements that can contribute to the correction of morals and the preservation of the original development of Russia. This program might seem unrealistic, too idealistic, if Glinka himself had not proven by personal example that it was achievable.

The Patriotic War was the time when Glinka’s strengths and abilities developed to their fullest and manifested themselves to the greatest benefit. “From 1808 to 1812, the thought of the fate of the Fatherland possessed my soul. The time for action has come, and that thought manifested itself in an active desire for the Fatherland.”

Having learned about Napoleon’s entry into Russia, he wrote poems, taking as their epigraph the words: “May God rise again and his enemies be scattered.”

Glinka welcomed the appointment of Count F.V. Rostopchin became the military governor of Moscow, recognizing him as a patriot who cared about the good of Moscow and the benefit of the Fatherland, became his voluntary, disinterested and sincere assistant in the matter of “directing the people’s spirit” and until the end of his days remained the defender of the good name of Count Rostopchin: “In the name of Count F. IN. Rastopchin combined the spirit of zeal of Moscow villagers for their native Moscow: here is his monument in the Moscow Chronicles of 1812.”

Gallomania, which does not stop despite the outbreak of hostilities, first of all attracted Glinka’s attention:

“We are at war with the French, and despite the fact that, walking through some Moscow streets, turning in all directions, you can’t help but think that you live in Paris, and not in Moscow!” - writes Glinka in the Russian Messenger. In French signs he sees hostile actions directed against Russian people.

“French signs can rightly be called signs of the way of thinking of our life, in a word, our education, this original source opinions And affairs. French sellers and traders know that by the grace of French teachers and mentors, our ears, minds, souls and hearts are, so to speak, bewitched by the French language. Our passion for the French language has produced French signs, which, flashing in the eyes, immediately attract thoughts and hearts, committed from the very cradle to».

everything French

“We've had quite a bit of French tomfoolery; it's time to treat them; It’s time for the Kuznetsk French department to take down the signs that unfortunately show what trifles of French fashion have fooled the minds of the Russians. We wish a clean retirement to all Parisian fashions and tastes.” And soon Glinka, together with Count Rostopchin, could note with satisfaction: “Kuznetsky Bridge became Russified, and instead Quiz Pesch, Antoinette Lapoterre

and shops à la Corbeille au temple du bon gout, sold by Karp Maikov, Dobrokhotov, Abram Grigoriev, Ivan Puzyrev and others.”

They seemed to complement each other, and we note complete unanimity in their activities. The capture of Vereshchagin, which was announced by Count Rastopchin’s poster dated July 3, was regarded by Glinka as big success

Moscow mayor and dedicated poems written on the same day to him:

“A zealous servant of the throne,

Diligent son of the Fatherland!

A steward about the benefits of society,

In Moscow, you are second to Eropkin.

Your worries, care,

Every day everyone feels this hail;

We say thanks to you,

Praise be to you - things are going well.

You are vigilant day and night,

Taking the Monarch as an example,

You open your eyes everywhere,

Where are the sources of poisons?

You have revealed the fruits of corruption,

A web of empty fictions;

The fruits of non-Russian teachings,

The fruits of conversations and societies of evil.

You protect ears and souls

From all embarrassment and anxiety;

And you confirm with your deeds,

What is in the Russian heart is Faith, God!

We glorify the Father Monarch

For the gift sent to us in you;

We feel calm

And you left the work to yourself.

You will create for yourself by deeds

An imperishable monument in our hearts;

Everything is destroyed over the centuries;

On July 11, 1812, at 5 a.m., after reading Alexander I’s appeal to Moscow, Glinka hurried to the Moscow governor-general to immediately enroll as a warrior in the Moscow militia. Since Count Rastopchin, who was talking with Archbishop Augustine at that time, could not receive him, Glinka left him a note with the following content: “Although I don’t have an estate anywhere; although I do not have any real estate in Moscow, and although I am not a native of Moscow, but where anyone is caught in the danger of the Fatherland, he must stand under the banners of the Fatherland. I condemn myself to be warriors of the Moscow militia, and I lay three hundred rubles worth of silver on the altar of the Fatherland.” So Glinka became the first warrior of the Moscow militia, the decision to convene which the Moscow nobility would make only a few days later, and brought the first victim

diligence.

As for the silver he donated, it was his tablespoons. When he had guests for dinner the next day, Glinka was forced to serve them wooden spoons because he had no others.

He was extremely unselfish and always followed the first impulse of his heart. Once Emperor Alexander I presented him with a diamond ring worth 800 rubles in banknotes. Glinka came to one house and showed his ring to the guests and owners. At that moment they offered a collection in favor of some poor family, and Glinka, without hesitation, donated his ring. No matter how much they tried to persuade him, no matter how much they offered him to give him a small sum for it, which he could later send to the owner of the house, he did not agree and came home without a ring. On the same day, July 11, at about three o’clock in the afternoon, having put on a gold medal in his buttonhole, Glinka moved in the crowd of people to Poklonnaya Hill to meet Alexander I, wanting, at the same time, to “listen to the people’s opinion and add new article in "Russian Messenger". Here the young man sees him Ivan Lazhechnikov

, a future writer who left us a description of the scene he saw: "On My particular attention was attracted to a large circle made up, for the most part, of merchants, townspeople and peasants. In the middle of the crowd stood a man, rather tall and broad-shouldered; his face seemed inspired, his voice sounded sultry and energetic. Behind the crowd that closely surrounded him, I could not hear his speech addressed to the people, but from time to time his words reached me, sinking deep into my chest. The crowd, making the sign of the cross, fervently repeated his last words: “For the Tsar’s father and Orthodox Rus', under the protection of the Queen of Heaven!” I learned that it was Sergei Nikolaevich Glinka, a zealous companion of the Moscow mayor in his then exploits in the service of the fatherland. With what reverence I looked at him! He was known to me in absentia as the publisher of the Russian Messenger, who encouraged my first literary babble: by publishing my war song in his magazine and printing my name under it, he made me happy for several days.”

Here, on Poklonnaya Hill, “the impetuous spirit of the people,” as Glinka put it, made him “the leader of his zeal.” This circumstance brought police suspicion upon Glinka and they were “ordered to keep an eye on him.” “But this did not bother me,” writes Glinka. - Keeping up with my zeal for the common cause, I did not get ahead of myself and did not care about rumors. Go along with extraordinary circumstances: they themselves will show you the place.”

The meeting of the nobility and merchants in the Slobodsky Palace, scheduled for July 15, initially puzzled Glinka; here are his thoughts:

“Having signed up for the warriors by choice and desire, I thought: “Why am I going to the Assembly of the Nobility? And do I have the right to talk about donations and property without having any property at all? I had heard such reproaches before in Smolensk when I joined the zemstvo army; the same thing resonated in Moscow in 1812.

But looking at my situation from the other side and knowing that I had fallen under surveillance, I decided, in order to remove assumptions and gossip, to appear at the meeting with one inalienable property: with a clear conscience and with self-denial of life.”

Here, in the Assembly of the Nobility, Glinka utters words that turn out to be prophetic: “ We shouldn't be horrified; Moscow will be surrendered. As soon as this fatal word escaped my lips, some of the nobles and excellencies stood up. Some shouted: Who told you this? Others asked: Why do you know this? Without being embarrassed in spirit, I continued: “Dear sirs! Firstly, from the Neman to Moscow there is neither natural nor artificial defense sufficient to stop a strong enemy.

Secondly, from all our domestic chronicles it is clear that Moscow is accustomed to suffering for Russia.

Thirdly (and God grant that my words come true!), the surrender of Moscow will be the salvation of Russia and Europe!”

My speech, which lasted about an hour with various explanations demanded by various persons, was interrupted by the entrance of Count Rostopchin. Everyone turned to him... Pointing to the hall of the merchant meeting, the count said: “Millions will flow to us from there; and our job is to set up a militia and not spare ourselves.”

After a quick meeting, it was decided to nominate the tenth as a warrior.”

It is not surprising that they listened to Glinka - his speech, according to M.I. Dmitrieva, was even “louder and more eloquent than writing.”

Glinka’s wife was frightened by his fiery speech in the Assembly of Nobility, rumors about which had already reached her, and in her ears, as Glinka put it, “the ringing of a Siberian bell was already echoing.” On July 19, Count Rastopchin actually summoned Glinka to his place. Glinka rode in a tailcoat. The count met him with the words: “Let's forget the past. Now it’s about the fate of the Fatherland” (they had been in a personal disagreement since December 1809).

Then, taking the paper and order from the table, the count said: “The Emperor grants you a knight of the fourth degree of Vladimir for your love for the Fatherland, proven by your writings and deeds. This is how it is depicted in the rescript signed by the Sovereign Emperor. Here is the rescript and the order."

Of course, both this award and Glinka’s special powers were a consequence of Count Rostopchin’s representation. Possessing a keen sense of state benefit, he well understood the importance of Glinka with his ability to influence the masses in the current circumstances.

From that time on, S.H. Glinka became, in the words of one of his biographers, “an interlocutor of the people.” He does not say anywhere exactly what these special orders were, “which often involved danger to life both in Moscow and outside its walls.” But there is no doubt that this was a propaganda work. This is how he describes it: “Providence helped me revive the souls of good citizens; to calm their minds and instill in them measures of caution, warning them against embarrassment and hasty timidity. My constant presence in the squares, markets and streets of Moscow has made the views, thoughts and hearts of Moscow inhabitants akin to me. Acting with an open chest and in a big word, I did not touch with my hand the hundreds of thousands entrusted to me along with the freedom of my untied lips. Only one day, according to my note, a sash and a hat were sent to the village of Krylatskoye to the peasant Nikifor, who blessed his three sons for battle.”

Glinka did not touch the money given to him by the count - he “seemed to be ashamed” free yourself with money, while the power of attorney freed his tongue to express his spiritual inspirations.” So, to satisfy petitioners jealous of the glory of the Fatherland, Glinka sold his wife’s jewelry.

His selflessness was known to everyone and infected others with his example. For example, Ivan Semenovich Rakhmanov, who was engaged in cloth production, delivered cloth for 20 people to Glinka, and the tailor Getman sewed clothes from it for the warriors, without taking any money from Glinka: “I won’t take it. I didn't work for you. And publish about my zeal in the Russian Messenger. And Glinka willingly did it. His magazine united charitable causes at this time, creating a real charitable movement.

As for the sum of 300 thousand rubles given to Glinka, it remained untouched and upon the liberation of Moscow, Glinka returned it to Count Rostopchin. Between them, the commander-in-chief of Moscow and the publisher of the Russian Messenger, a relationship of complete unanimity was generally established in the matter of “directing the people’s spirit” and maintaining calm in the capital. After the release of the “Friendly Message from the Commander-in-Chief in Moscow to its Residents”, “Gratitude of the Residents of Moscow for the Friendly Message” appears on the pages of the “Russian Messenger”, which breathes with sincerity and indicates the trust that existed between the residents of Moscow and its Commander-in-Chief during the war:

“What the Russian heart says to the hearts of Russians will always have an effect on souls. I myself read the Message to the residents of Moscow to the people in many places. They all unanimously thanked God and the Sovereign for their boss. “He admonishes the Orthodox people,” they said; he guards shaky minds from all evil. He prays to God with us; How can we not pray to God for him?”

I myself was also an eyewitness to the effect these words had: “When the work is done, I am with you; to go to war, before you; and rest is up to you.” Tears flowed from many eyes; courage glowed on their faces; and everyone would have been ready at that very moment to raise arms against the treacherous enemy.

“We are glad to follow our boss into fire and water! - exclaimed the delighted residents of Moscow. - We are happy to live and die with him. Caution is the first praise; and cowardice is the last stupidity (indigenous Russian proverbs). We are glad to be careful on guard of white-stone Moscow: she is the mother of Russian cities; she is a kingdom within the Russian kingdom. Glory to God and the Emperor! Glory to them for our boss. He listens to the order of the Sovereigns; he protects us like children; he is a strong servant of the Sovereigns; he is the father of Moscow!

This is not fiction, but a simple repetition of the common voice of Russian hearts. Art does not invent such words. Only grateful souls can say to a boss who is vigilant about the common good: You are a strong servant of the Sovereigns; you are the father of Moscow!

After leaving the Russian army of Smolensk, Glinka submits a “Note on forest weapons” to the Moscow commander-in-chief. Essentially, this was the idea of ​​​​organizing partisan detachments all the way from Smolensk to Moscow. So Glinka expressed it even earlier than D.V. Davydov, our famous partisan. There is reason to think that Glinka, on behalf of Count Rastopchin, began to implement this idea when the danger touched Moscow itself.

When in mid-August the first regiments of the Moscow military force were preparing to set out, Glinka also “began to prepare for a campaign,” but Count Rastopchin, in the name of the Emperor, ordered him to remain in Moscow, where he could be more useful.

On August 30, Glinka’s last meeting with Count Rostopchin took place before leaving Moscow. Going with an appeal to the Three Mountains to Selivanovsky’s printing house for its printing, Glinka definitely had a “special assignment” to notify the count war of Moscow villagers. He himself does not openly write about this, but this is easily established by his subsequent actions: in the printing house he copies the appeal to the Three Mountains; returning from there, he meets a comrade, Colonel F.F., wounded at Borodino. Monakhtin, to whose proposal to leave as soon as possible he replies: “I can’t, I’m staying in Moscow.” on special assignments; on Sunday, September 1, he sends his family from Moscow, saying goodbye to them, as if forever, and then to his brother,

according to his duties

, travels around the surrounding villages. For this purpose, messengers were sent to the surrounding villages. In the name of God and the Tsar, even then many villagers from different sides were ready to go to the defense of the mother of Russian cities.”

So, quite definitely, Glinka, on behalf of Count Rastopchin, played the role of an agitator, raising peasants near Moscow to fight the invaders.

On September 2, in the last ranks of the retreating Russian troops, Glinka left Moscow. “Moscow has obscured Russia: the Russian people besieged the violent enemy is in Moscow,” he would say later.

The publication of the Russian Messenger was interrupted for some time, but did not stop completely. Glinka seemed to have foreseen this circumstance - the magazine’s books for September and October were published along with the August one, and subsequently Glinka took credit for the fact that the Russian Messenger “was not captured by Napoleon.”

For a whole month, Glinka then looked for his family and all this time “he bothered to think about his dreams, about the fate of the Fatherland and observe the spirit of the people, the spirit of the intelligent people, who, understanding the misfortune of the Fatherland, equated themselves with great events.” He notes a trait in the Russian people that is worth mentioning. “I was close to the people; I lived with people on the streets, in squares, in markets; everywhere in Moscow and in the vicinity of Moscow: and, by the living God, I testify that no frantic hatred worried the sons of Russia... In 1812 we did not hate any people; we only wanted to defeat and repel the invasion.”

At the end Patriotic War“Russian Messenger” no longer had, of course, the same meaning as in 1812 - the mood was no longer the same, more down-to-earth or something. But Sergei Nikolaevich Glinka remained in the grateful memory of the Russian people as a fiery tribune, whose word encouraged, united and raised to fight the enemy; who, with his dedication, set an example of pure and selfless love for the Fatherland and who turned out to be especially needed at the most critical moment in Russian history. It is unlikely that Europe can offer us a similar example selfless love to the Fatherland.

In the second half of the 30s, Glinka compiled “Notes about 1812” and “Notes about Moscow,” which remain relevant to the present day.

We would like to end with the words that Glinka prefaced his autobiographical Notes, published in St. Petersburg after his death, in 1895: “Perhaps all the works of my pen will disappear with me. I want one thing, that there remains proof that my love is for native land always had boundless love for humanity; and if this is lost, then it will clearly be where the limit is placed on all contradictions and where only love remains.”

Vyazemsky P.A. Sergey Nikolaevich Glinka // Glinka S.N. Notes. - M.: Zakharov, 2004. - P. 435-446.

"Russian Messenger". - 1808: No. 1. - P. 3.

Glinka S.N. Notes about 1812. - St. Petersburg, 1836. - P. 2.

Glinka S.N. Notes about Moscow. - St. Petersburg, 1837. - P. 44.

Russian Bulletin. - 1812: No. 8. - P. 61-63.

Russian Bulletin. 1812. Book. 9. P. 135.

Russian Bulletin. - 1813: No. 5. - P. 75.

Russian Bulletin. - 1812: No. 8. - P.77-79.

Glinka S.N. Notes about 1812. - St. Petersburg, 1836. - P. 4.

Lazhechnikov I.I. Recruit of 1812 (From my memoirs).

Glinka S.N. Notes about 1812. - St. Petersburg, 1836. - P. 10.

Right there. - P. 16.

Right there. - pp. 18-19.

Right there. - pp. 27-28.

Right there. - P. 29.

Russian Bulletin. - 1812: Book. 10. - pp. 86-88.

Russian Bulletin. - 1814: Book. 9. - pp. 43-44.

Glinka S.N. Notes about 1812. - P. 30, 42.

Vyacheslav Khlestkin

Sergei Nikolaevich Glinka(1776-1847) - Russian historian, writer-activist of the nineteenth year, elder brother of Fyodor Nikolaevich Glinka, cousin of Boris Grigorievich Glinka-Mavrin.

b>Biography
Born into a noble family of the Smolensk province in 1776, and at the age of seven he entered the Land Cadet Corps, from where he was graduated in 1795 and appointed adjutant to the prince. Yu. V. Dolgoruky in Moscow. In 1800, after the death of his father, he retired as a major, renounced his inheritance in favor of his sister, and went to Ukraine as a teacher. After staying there for three years, he returned to Moscow and took the place of writer and translator at the theater. Before this time, he wrote many poems and stories, and also translated “Jung’s Nights” (M., 1806). In 1807 he joined the militia and was a brigade major in the Sychevsky squad. In 1808 he founded the Russian Bulletin magazine, dedicated to the fight against French influence. The public mood was very favorable to Glinka’s activities, and although both the appearance and the internal content of his magazine were very drab, he attracted the attention of the public and influential spheres. This was especially clearly expressed during the popular excitement of 1812, when Glinka was awarded the Order of Vladimir, 4th class, and a lover of spectacular tirades, Count F. V. Rostopchin told him: “I loosen your tongue for everything useful for the fatherland, and your hands for an extraordinary sum of three hundred thousand.”

About Glinka
Book P. A. Vyazemsky says: “Glinka was born a tribune of the people, but a legal tribune, a tribune of the government.” In fact, he was a disorderly enthusiast, completely incapable of consistent activity. Voeikov’s characterization of G. in “The Madhouse” is very apt: his patriotic passion went so far as to recognize Racine’s “Athalie” as stolen from the Russian Stoglav, and “Andromache” as an imitation of “The Burial of a Cat.” The success of the Russian Messenger was, according to Glinka himself, short-lived; after the twelfth year the journal actually ceased, and a number of drab textbooks on Russian history were published under this name. Along with the publication of the magazine, Glinka acted in patriotic plays: “Natalia, the Boyar’s Daughter” (St. Petersburg, 1806); “Mikhail Prince of Chernigov” (M., 1808); “Olga the Beautiful”, opera (M., 1808); "Boyan" (M., 1808); "Minin", drama (M., 1809); “The Siege of Poltava”, drama (M., 1810), etc. He also wrote poems and stories in verse: “Pozharsky and Minin or the donations of the Russians” (M., 1807): “Tsarina Natalya Kirillovna” (M., 1809) - and many historical and moral stories, anecdotes in prose. Glinka argued that the name “Slavs” came from the word “glory”.

Essays
His collected works were published in Moscow (1817-1820). "Russian Herald" ceased in 1824, and in 1821 - 23 it was replaced by "New Children's Reading" and "Plutarch for Children". In 1827, Glinka was appointed censor to the Moscow Censorship Committee, where he served his pension and then retired. Until the end of his life, he did not give up literature, wrote a lot of poems, stories, children's books, published almanacs, etc. From the immense mass of what he wrote, the following should also be mentioned: “Review of the History of the Armenian People” (1832), “Notes about 1812” ( St. Petersburg, 1836); “Notes about Moscow” (St. Petersburg, 1837); “Essays on Life and Selected Op. A. Sumarokov" (St. Petersburg, 1841); “Russian Reading” (St. Petersburg, 1845). G. did not have any noticeable literary talent; The only interesting things are his notes, scattered across various publications.
The autobiographical “Notes” of S. N. Glinka, first published in 1895, are also known.
Despite all his hobbies, Glinka was a straightforward, honest, disinterested person: suffice it to say that three hundred thousand rubles were given to him. he returned it to the treasury without spending a penny of it.
Died Glinka April 5, 1847