Events in Chile. Augusto Pinochet, president and dictator of Chile: biography, features of government, criminal prosecution

The general promised to restore order in the country after 20 years of dictatorship and then return to democracy. MIR 24 correspondent Gleb Sterkhov made a historical excursion.

September 11, 1973, Santiago is on fire. The capital of Chile, on the eve of a democratic republic with socialist dreams that went to waste. The army, led by the top generals, storms the presidential palace. Tanks, aircraft and navy - everything is thrown into a military coup in the country.

Those who burst into the office of the legitimate president were already shooting his corpse - the socialist Salvador Allende managed to shoot himself. From a Kalashnikov assault rifle, given to him by Fidel Castro. From now on, the country is ruled by the commander in chief ground forces, ardent anti-communist and liberal Augusto Pinochet.

“I signed a decree: from today on, I declare a state of siege throughout the country,” the leader of the military coup said then.

A state of siege in Spanish-speaking countries is called martial law. A civil war actually began in the republic: street battles and executions on the streets without trial or investigation, the central stadium for 80 thousand people was converted into a concentration camp. Tens of thousands of people will die or disappear.

“They resorted to destroying the bodies of the dead, throwing them into the sea to be eaten by sharks or throwing them into volcano craters and the like. Therefore, we are unlikely to ever know how many people actually died there,” said Alexander Kharlamenko, director of the Scientific Information Center of the Institute of Latin America of the Russian Academy of Sciences.

There was also a plan, code-named “Condor,” to eliminate Chilean emigrants abroad and dissenting foreigners within the country. During the regime, about a million people fled Chile for their lives. The innocuous Spanish word “junta,” meaning “council” or “collegial body,” begins to carry a different meaning.

And soon the “Pinochet junta” began to be called fascist. The Nazis, who fled to the south of Chile after World War II, helped. Their colony was called Dignidad, which means "Dignity" in Spanish.

“There was a center for homosexual pedophilia with the destruction of victims after their use. As it now turns out, it was headed by former SS man Walter Rauf. He took an active part in the preparations for Pinochet's coup. After which the Dignidad colony turned into one of the main centers of torture and extrajudicial killing of victims of the regime,” Kharlamenko noted.

The Pinochet regime lasted 17 years. The country announced total privatization, abolished trade unions, pensions and healthcare from the state. It was only in 1998 that the US National Security Agency declassified documents from the coup in Chile and the Pinochet regime. General Augusto himself later admitted in his memoirs: “A lie is revealed in a glance, and I lied so much that I did not take off my dark glasses.”

After his resignation, he was arrested several times in Chile and abroad, but was never convicted due to senile dementia. He died surrounded by loved ones at the age of 91. In Chile, every September 11th, blood flows in the streets.

Every anniversary of the coup, the country splits into those who idolize Pinochet as a liberal reformer and those who hate him as a bloody tyrant. Riots always happen on this day. Those who carry portraits of their dead and missing relatives through the streets now officially have no one to blame.

After all, the doctrine is different now. Even the history textbooks of Chilean schoolchildren have recently been republished. Pinochet's rule is no longer called a “dictatorship”, but a “military regime”. Nor is there his phrase: “Democracy must be bathed in blood from time to time in order for it to remain a democracy.”

Poet Victor Jara, killed by Pinochet's putschists

The country's president, Salvador Allende, a socialist, romantic and intellectual, refused to surrender to the putschists and did not let go of his machine gun until the last bullet, defending the country, the Constitution, and democracy. Regarding his death there is different versions: killed, committed suicide. But Allende showed the whole world that in Latin America There are not only presidents - drug dealers, corrupt officials and American puppets. There are presidents who sacrifice their lives for their country and their people.
General Augusto Pinochet, who came to power using military bayonets and American dollars, established a repressive regime in the country, which went down in history as the “Chilean terror.” More than 3 thousand people became victims of repression, torture, and massacres in stadiums. More than 40 thousand (out of 10 million people of the then population of the country, that is, for today's Russia this number would be 1 million) went through arrests and torture. Including the current president of the country, Michelle Bachelet.

Rebels, supporters of Allende after the coup

Considering that several years ago the country's President Michelle Bachelet began active efforts to bring to justice those responsible for the bloody crimes of the Pinochet regime, it is possible that these elders are discussing problems of their own security. Only in 2016 (in 2016!) the Chilean Supreme Court sentenced the State of Chile to compensate the families of four people who disappeared during military dictatorship Augusto Pinochet. total amount The compensation is about $1.3 million, La Jornada reported, citing the country's judicial authorities. The Supreme Court of Chile made this decision after finding that disappearances and violent deaths at the hands of dictatorships are “crimes against humanity, as a result of which they have no statute of limitations and are not subject to amnesty.”

It was only in 2015 that Michelle Bachelet launched a campaign under the motto “Stop Silence!”, during which the killers of the cult singer Victor Jara were brought to justice.
Let us remind those who were born much later than the Chilean events. Victor Jara - poet, theater director, singer, member of the Communist Party of Chile - was killed by putschists during a military coup in 1973. The brutal murder was carried out at a stadium in Santiago, converted into a concentration camp, a few days after the military junta came to power. For four days he was beaten, tortured with electric shocks, and his hands were broken. Then Victor Jara's hands were cut off. 34 bullets were fired into his body. The dead singer was hanged next to his guitar.
Almost forty years after the murder and 35 years after the fall of the dictatorship, on the instructions of Michelle Bachelet, an investigation began into the true circumstances of the death of the Chilean writer and poet, diplomat, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Chile Pablo Neruda. Before official reason death was considered cancer. Now experts are expressing doubts about the nature

However, it is possible that Pinochet’s associates do not think about their own safety at all and continue to lead a calm, measured life. Close to his victims. After all, the majority of those involved in the bloody “Chilean terror” still feel quite comfortable.

Wall with photographs of victims of the Pinochet regime in the Museum of Memory and Human Rights in Chile

Chilean society is still split in half based on its attitude towards the personality of Pinochet and what happened during the dictatorship. Pinochet is credited with the “Chilean economic miracle,” which helped bring the country out of the crisis.
(note about the mythology of the miracle


see Steve Kangas - About Chilean economic miracle” (polemical notes) http://www.tiwy.com/sociedad/2000/economicheskoe_chudo/ and "The Chilean Economic Monster" http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/731005)

Note, however, that the main creator of the miracle was not Pinochet’s economists, but generous investments from the United States and other countries. European countries. The coming of socialists to power in Chile, together with socialist Cuba, could seriously change processes in the region, strengthen the role of the USSR, and official Washington could not allow such a scenario to develop.

In September 1973, the media reported that severe beatings the sailors were subjected Soviet ships who were present during the days of the coup in Chile. Hatred towards socialism and the USSR was poured out on innocent people. And not only the Chileans. And to strengthen Pinochet’s positions, dollars flowed into the country like a river. Housing construction began, the strengthening of agriculture, and the opening of folk restaurants.

Bloody "skill" German Nazis, who found shelter after the war in Chile, was in demand in the torture chambers of the Chilean dictatorship. Let us also recall the role of the notorious Colonia Dignidad, created by Nazi criminals who escaped from Germany and during the reign of Pinochet, which turned into a concentration camp where they not only tortured, killed, but also raped children. And of both sexes. History repeated itself, but on a different continent.

In the best Soviet play, dedicated to events dictatorship in Chile created by Heinrich Borovik, “Interview in Buenos Aires” says a lot: about the responsibility of journalists - those who opposed “ National Unity”, and then they themselves became victims of dictatorship.

The phrase “Carlos Blanco is silent” became a household word after the premiere of “Interview in Buenos Aires,” because the silence of a journalist can also become evidence of refusal to participate in evil, a kind of resistance. The play also says a lot about the psychology of the shopkeeper - the basis of any fascist regime.

It has not been eliminated in Chile. And not only there. And that the desire for freedom and justice, which becomes a reality only in struggle, is an integral feature of the best representatives of Latin American societies.

The story of the “Chilean terror” will not end for Chile until the last executioner who tortured in stadiums and participated in the “Caravan of Death” is punished. Even if it was in absentia, if he had already passed away peacefully. While every year on Pinochet’s birthday, some deputies and politicians of the country, and there are quite a few of them, will hold ceremonies in memory of the bloody dictator and minutes of silence in his honor in the Chilean parliament building. Only a united people can defeat this evil. For "El pueblo unido jamás será vencido”!

Monument to Salvador Allende in Santiago, Chile

Military dictatorship in Chile – This is a period in the country's history from 1973 to 1990 when, as a result of a military coup with the support of the Central Intelligence Agency and far-right terrorist organizations, the legally elected socialist government of President Salvador Allende was overthrown, and a military junta led by General Augusto Pinochet took over the state.

In Latin American countries, the armed forces have historically had great influence and often acted as a force capable of taking power into their own hands to restore order in the country: hence the large number of military dictatorships. Chile was no exception.

Such a rapid transformation of General Augusto Pinochet, who was reputed to be a supporter of the constitution, into a military dictator is explained by the fact that the official constitutionalism of the Chilean armed forces was formal, covering up the deep ideologization of the military. In fact, the army had an extremely negative attitude towards “Marxists” and adhered to extreme right-wing views.

The overthrow of the socialist government of the Popular Unity bloc was motivated by the need to put an end to the growing chaos in the country in order to prevent civil war, and improving the economy. We can say that this formulation meant the desire to destroy the leftist movement and the radical leftist organization MIR, the methods of struggle of which were not much different from terror. MIR (Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria – Spanish « Left Revolutionary Movement"), although nominally supporting the government, in reality sought to make a revolution, not believing in the peaceful path of building socialism declared by Allende.

Apparently, the difficult political and economic situation that made the putsch possible was created not so much by the actions of Popular Unity, but by the subversive activities of the United States of America against the socialists. In particular, opposition media and fascist organizations, such as, for example, Patria y Libertad (Patria and Libertad – Spanish « Motherland and Freedom"), destabilizing the situation by carrying out large-scale terrorist acts. We should also not forget that since Allende’s victory in presidential elections, i.e. Since 1970, the United States has declared an economic blockade on Chile.

The reactionary seizure of power by the military found support among large sections of the population. The policy of nationalization of banks and enterprises, including foreign ones, pursued by the Allende coalition government turned out to be unpopular among the masses. It was approved mainly by the workers and the poorest layer of society, but not by the middle class, to which, perhaps, the army also belonged.

These were the reasons for the emergence of mass discontent with the activities of the Popular Unity bloc and the emergence of numerous strikes and protests aimed at Popular Unity. However, to some extent, the mistakes of the authorities also contributed to its overthrow. As researcher N.A. notes Nikonov, Allende's democratically elected government was destroyed by an overambitious socialist program, an economic crisis and a strong political culture in which there was no room for compromise.

Already on the day of the coup (September 11), the 1925 constitution was repealed, and the National Congress of Chile was soon dissolved – the country's highest legislative body and a regime of military rule was introduced for an indefinite period. The state of siege continued for another month after the violent seizure of power. The generals put an end not only to National Unity, but to all political activity. They banned all political organizations and parties. Representatives of left-wing parties were persecuted.

The courts actually ceased to function, since all crimes came under the jurisdiction of military tribunals.

Four generals, each of whom represented separate genus troops, after the coup they formed the Government Junta of Chile, which was the highest body state power. Among these four was Captain General Augusto Pinochet. – one of the main leaders of the coup. Until the end of December 1974, the military junta concentrated all branches of government and military command. That same month, Pinochet declared himself president of Chile, thereby establishing an autocratic dictatorship.

Initially, it was assumed that the powers of the junta leaders were equal, and management was to be carried out collectively, and the generals agreed to head the body in turn. However, real power soon went exclusively to Pinochet. Already in June 1974, he was given the title of “Supreme Leader of the Nation,” thus effectively becoming the head of the executive branch, and legislative functions were left to the junta. Pinochet gradually removed members of the junta who were dissatisfied with his rise from power. He finally established himself as head of state as a result of the 1980 plebiscite.

The theoretical, legal and ideological foundations of the military regime are reflected in Decree-Law No. 1 and Order No. 5 of September 11, 1973, as well as in the “Declaration of Principles of the Government of Chile”, published in the newspaper Mercurio on March 13, 1974. The junta declared the following as national tasks: the need to fight “Marxism” and accelerate social economic development Chile. In this regard, a policy of anti-communism was pursued, and in the economic sphere the beginning of the neoliberal model was laid.

The political intelligence service DINA occupied a special place in the system of power. – National Reconnaissance Office. The secret police operated concentration camps for political prisoners, as well as centers for illegal detention and torture. With the adoption of Decree-Law No. 521, DINA finally turned into an organic part of the state mechanism of the junta, an instrument of a terrorist dictatorship. Its agents tracked down potential enemies of the regime who had fled abroad and eliminated them.

In the initial period of rule, the military regime was distinguished by its openly repressive nature, for which it was sharply criticized by the international community. Data on the regime's victims are contradictory. Official Truth and Reconciliation Commission statistics indicate that more than three thousand people were killed for political reasons during the military junta's rule, but it is clear that they do not reflect the full extent of the regime's crimes. For example, crimes committed in the first month after the coup were not investigated at all, although they were massive and often indiscriminate. According to other information, about 40 thousand people were arrested and imprisoned, many were tortured. Throughout the reign of the junta, predominantly members of left-wing parties (communists, socialists) and “sympathizers” with them, as well as militants of the MIR group, were subjected to repression.

Until 1978, censorship reigned in the media; this year there was a partial easing. Perhaps this is due to the fact that the journalistic corps has been significantly updated by people loyal to the authorities. By the end of the 70s. Augusto Pinochet again allowed trade unions and political parties, albeit under control, and eventually even agreed to democratic elections. To participate in government affairs They brought in the civil administration, but also under the control of the military. This was probably explained by Pinochet’s desire to improve the discredited image of his country in the eyes of the world community.

Since the beginning of the 80s. There is a crisis of military dictatorship and a softening of the regime. In 1980, the country adopted a new constitution. In accordance with it, Pinochet in 1988 had to raise the question of his continued tenure as president for the next 8 years. At the appointed time, the general held the promised plebiscite on the issue of maintaining the dictatorship and lost in it, which most likely came as a surprise to him.

One of the most controversial topics in historiography is the assessment of neoliberal economic policies pursued under the military junta regime. It has both its apologists and opponents. Pinochet completely entrusted the country's economy to the Chilean economists of the Chicago School of Economics and subsequently did not interfere with the reforms they carried out. During the years of the Government Junta, the idea of ​​the so-called “Chilean economic miracle” was popular in the world. According to supporters of the neoliberal economic model, Chile was actively developing during this period.

According to some researchers, on the contrary: there was actually no economic development in Chile under Pinochet. The economy fell significantly lower than under the government of Salvador Allende and led to catastrophic consequences for the socio-economic well-being of the population. In particular, it has increased social stratification, the unemployment rate increased, prices jumped sharply, inflation galloped; the absence of trade unions deprived workers of social protection. During the years of the “economic miracle,” the Chilean economy never returned to the level of development achieved under Allende.

In conclusion, assessing the state and legal structure of Chile during the junta period, we come to the conclusion that it was a kind of compromise between democracy and dictatorship. The political rights of citizens were limited, but at the same time there was freedom of economic relations.

Thus, we can say that, although Pinochet’s political regime was distinguished by some features inherent totalitarian state, especially in the first years of the junta, however, we define the state political and legal regime in Chile of this period as the transformation of totalitarian (1973-1980) into authoritarian (1980-1988).

In 1989, Chile transitioned to democracy, although still rather tentatively. Simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections were held, in which the opposition bloc “Coalition of Parties for Democracy” won, and a new president was elected, Patricio Aylwin, who took office in 1990. However, it is worth noting that Pinochet did not completely leave politics. He, being the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, still had great power until 1998 and was the de facto co-ruler, although his authority gradually declined.

Bibliography:

1. Bogush E.Yu. Political history of Chile of the 20th century. – M.: Higher. school, 2009. – 224 p.
2. Borovik G.A. The tragedy of Chile. Materials and documents. – M., Politizdat, Publishing House of the News Press Agency, 1974. – 296 p.
3. Lavretsky I.R. Salvador Allende. – M., 1974. – 288 p.
4. Nikonova N.A. Influence foreign policy USA on the process of establishing democracy in Chile in the second half of the 20th century. // Historical, philosophical, political and legal sciences, cultural studies and art history. Questions of theory and practice. – 2011. - No. 7. – P. 162-166.
5. Sergeev F.M. Pinochet's Gestapo. – M.: Sov. Russia, 1987. – 128 p.
6. Shevelev V.N. Dictators and gods. – Rostov n/d.: Phoenix publishing house, 1999. – 320 p.

After establishing Pinochet regime in Chile leftist parties were banned. Strict press censorship was introduced. Trade unions are brought under the control of the authorities, strikes are outlawed. Repression became an organic component of the junta's policy. The secret police dealt with opponents of the dictatorship even abroad: its most notorious crimes were the murders of an opponent of the coup, Pinochet's predecessor as army commander, General Carlos Prats, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Popular Unity, Orlando Letelier.

Economy of Chile under Pinochet

After initial setbacks in the economy, Chile's military junta recruited a group of "Chicago boys" (graduates of the Chicago School of Economics) to carry out large-scale modernization. Some of the nationalized property was returned to the owners, but control over a significant part of the mining industry and infrastructure was retained by the state. Many social security programs were curtailed. At the same time, large international banks opened loans to Chile, and increased copper prices ensured an increase in production. The Chilean “economic miracle” seemed indisputable to many: the country managed to reduce inflation and reduce the enormous government spending that hung like a heavy weight on the economy; the economic growth at a rate of more than 6% per year ahead of the United States, foreign investment poured into Chile.

However, the successes were short-lived. Already in the early 1980s. Chile's economy entered a period of crisis. By 1983, unemployment in some areas reached 30% (worse than in the United States during the Great Depression), and industrial production decreased by a third. Only large-scale outside assistance saved the Chilean economy from complete collapse. By 1989, more than 40% of Chileans lived below the poverty line.

Even military control could not prevent open protests against deteriorating living standards and dictatorship. Pinochet was forced to allow the activities of the unit political parties. And in 1988, a referendum was held in Chile, in which voters, unexpectedly for the authorities, refused to consent to the election of a military candidate for president.

Augusto Pinochet Ugarte received a military education and had a successful army career. In 1973, he was appointed commander-in-chief of the army and soon betrayed Al-Ende, becoming one of the main participants in the conspiracy. After the military coup, Pinochet took the presidential post, which he retained until the end of 1989. After resigning, he received the status of senator for life, which freed him from attempts to investigate the crimes of the military regime. The ex-dictator died in 2006 without ever being brought to trial. But he was not erected a monument, which Chileans traditionally erect former presidents, - the general was not elected to this post.Material from the site

End of the Pinochet regime (Chile in the 1990s)

In the 1989 presidential elections in Chile, the right, centrists and part of the left united around the figure of a Christian democrat Patricio Aylwin. The coalition “Concord for Democracy” (CDA and HRC) has since confirmed its popularity more than once. Steady economic growth, reduction in inflation and unemployment in the 1990s. while simultaneously expanding spending on education, health care and housing construction, reducing the number of poor people, increasing wages and pensions - all this allows coalition representatives to win one presidential election after another. Chile has returned to democracy without abandoning social reforms. The country is actively pursuing the process of bringing to trial the organizers and participants of crimes committed during the years of the military junta.

After the military coup September 11, 1973., committed with the help of the CIA, the military junta dissolved the National Congress (parliament) and local authorities (municipalities), civil democratic freedoms were abolished, political parties that were part of the National Unity bloc were banned, the activities of other parties were suspended, and the United Trade Union Center of Workers was dissolved ( KUT), a state of siege was introduced, terror was unleashed for political reasons. For the state-political structure of Chile 1973-1989. characterized by a strong personalization of power in the person of the key central figure, General Pinochet. In December 1974, he was appointed President of Chile. Pinochet eliminated competitors and introduced the irremovability of his post as commander-in-chief of the army. None of the political, military and economic groupings of the ruling bloc had full power, so Pinochet became a kind of arbiter standing over them. In the 1978 referendum, 75% of voters expressed their agreement with the power of the military, and the Pinochet regime began to seem legitimate. The peculiarity of the formation of state-legal forms of Chile under the Pinochet regime was that they were created and evolved not before, but after economic changes. Another feature is the gradual institutionalization of the regime: in the period 1974-1979. were accepted legislative acts, reflecting the evolution from a repressive dictatorship to a stable authoritarianism that allows, albeit limited, the existence of representative institutions. Under the name “protected democracy” without pluralism and political parties, this was enshrined in the new constitution of 1980. The military elite, which became close to the new right, developed an economic strategy designed for the long term. Its goal is to create a model of a free market economy. The neoliberal model of stabilization and modernization of the Chilean economy assumed free private initiative and private entrepreneurship in the production and financial spheres as the basis of economic prosperity; increasing the competitiveness of the national Chilean economy in the world market; rejection of protectionism; creating optimally favorable conditions for attracting and operating foreign capital on the basis of direct investment and granting the private sector the right to receive external loans; reducing direct government intervention in the economy; deduction upper strata“surplus” in favor of the low-income and relieving social tension.
The beginning of stabilization occurred in conditions of hyperinflation, balance of payments deficit, and unfavorable foreign economic conditions. But no one wanted to retreat, it was decided to achieve stabilization at any cost, specifically with the help of “shock therapy” recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Shock therapy" meant the cessation of government financing of unprofitable enterprises, a sharp decline in real wages, minimizing public demand, halving public investment, expanding privatization. With the help of privatization, it was supposed to increase the efficiency of national production and modernize it, as well as support the national currency and make regular payments to repay the external debt. Privatization, which became the cornerstone of the neoliberal course, took place in the 70s. in two forms: reprivatization and sale of state property to private individuals. The famous copper mines, nationalized at one time by Popular Unity, formally continued to remain state-owned, but large compensation was paid for their nationalization, and the management of the mines and their operation were transferred to the hands of transnational corporations, which also strengthened control over the sale of copper, the supply of equipment and spare parts. As a result, by 1983, copper production increased by 70%, and the number of employees decreased by one third. Some of the copper mines were bought up by American capital. Thus, the role of the public sector has changed from a primary one to a supporting one. By the beginning of 1977, the privatization of state property was largely completed. And although Chile imported military equipment and equipment, the local military-industrial complex itself was engaged in the production and export of weapons. This initiative, with the support of NATO and the United States, brought Chile to third place in Latin America (after Brazil and Argentina) in the export of weapons and military equipment. Refusing to recognize the legitimacy of the agrarian reforms of the CDA and Popular Unity governments, the Pinochet regime returned 2.8 million hectares of land to the previous owners, more than one third of the peasants who received land before the military coup of 1973, they went bankrupt. The development of agriculture was based on the principle of “comparative advantage,” which meant the preferential production of goods for which Chile had optimal climatic conditions compared to other countries. The export production of fruits (apples, strawberries, grapes, kiwi - by 600%), wines, fish products, wood products expanded, which made Chile a world exporter of these products. market. Customs tariffs were reduced, This immediately led to an increase in the flow of imported goods, a significant part of which were consumer durables, electronic equipment, fashion clothes. The share of imports in domestic consumption has doubled. The neoliberal model specifically provided for the introduction into the mass psychology of Chileans of the ideals and standards of a highly developed Western consumer society. However, the lifestyle in the best European and North American traditions, available to the Chilean elite, was beyond the means of the middle strata and especially the lower categories of society. So the expansion of the consumer market did not at all mean an expansion of the opportunity to use its services for the majority of the country’s population. The most important principle of an open economy is the encouragement of foreign capital. The Law “On the Foreign Investment Regime” (1974) lifted all restrictions on the export of profits from the country. This sharply increased interest in the Chilean economy from foreign public, private and international capital. Moreover, the interest of foreign investors in the Chilean manufacturing industry was small (only 6.4% of total investments), but banking became a profitable area for investing foreign capital: by 1980, the development of the free market economy of Chile led to changes in social structure: the number of hired workers in industry and agriculture has decreased. The collapse of the public sector manufacturing industry caused the marginalization of wage workers.
Pinochet's social policy was based on the rejection of the principle of social justice; the principle of freedom of choice and “equal opportunities” was affirmed. Social and psychological consequences economic reforms And social policy Pinochet can be considered the formation of a new mentality of society on the principles of individualism, pragmatism and personal interest. At the same time, democratic values ​​were considered secondary to personal success. Due to the terror and repression of the initial period of the dictatorship, which had a great psychological effect, a phenomenon arose - a “culture of fear”, which meant people’s distrust of each other, fear of communication, silence, apathy, emigration , loneliness. Nevertheless, reforms in Chile have forced people to talk about the Chilean “economic miracle.” The crisis of 1981-1983, which affected all sectors of the Chilean economy, stopped the first stage of Pinochet's economic reforms. National income decreased, unemployment reached 35% of the economically active population, financial system the country was on the verge of collapse. It became clear that for the progressive successful development of the Chilean economy, a return to a purely monetarist model and a course towards an “open” market economy needs adjustment. The second stage of Pinochet's reforms begins (1982-1989). The emergence of a more flexible “reasonable monetarism” is associated with the name of the Minister of Finance of Chile E. Bihi. To combat the crisis, the Chilean government decided to continue privatization, provide subsidies to the private sector and use methods of direct government intervention in the economy. At the second stage of privatization, state-owned enterprises in the mining, copper and steel industries, communications systems were transferred into private hands, and technological modernization of the privatized industries was carried out. At the same time, the so-called transnationalization of new Chilean elite economic groups took place, i.e. joint control of Chilean and transnational owners over privatized enterprises was established.
Results of anti-crisis measures of the 80s. were impressive: inflation dropped to the world average - 9-15%, unemployment dropped to 6%, it was possible to pay off $2 billion in foreign debt. The Chilean economy was recognized as the most “healthy”, “dynamic” and “exemplary” among the countries of Latin America . Pinochet's activities are subject to widespread criticism. The threat of isolation of the dictator appears on the horizon, and he sets a course for gradual political liberalization: he allows the activities of parties loyal to the dictatorship.
By the mid-80s. in the opposition there are two poles of attraction: one - around the People's Democratic Movement led by the Communist Party (they recognized any form of struggle, up to an armed uprising), the other, moderate, - around the Christian Democratic Party (for a gradual path of civil disobedience). Pinochet was firmly convinced that the differences and disagreements within the ranks of the opposition were practically insurmountable and, therefore, they did not pose a serious threat. However, in 1985, all opposition parties managed to develop and sign the document “National Consent on the Transition to Full Democracy.” It contained demands for the legalization of political parties, amnesty, the return of emigrants, and most importantly, the holding of free presidential and parliamentary elections. As part of national days of protest, the left wing of the opposition used violent forms of struggle, and since 1986 it has relied entirely on an armed uprising. The discovery of weapons caches and the failed assassination attempt on Pinochet again prompted a state of emergency and discredited the idea of ​​an armed uprising. The merit of the right-wing and centrist opposition figures was that they were able to isolate the Marxist parties and form a broad political consensus. In December 1989, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party won the presidential elections Patricio Aylwin, to whom Pinochet transferred power on March 11, 1990.