COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (CPRF)– One of the largest political parties in the Russian Federation. She took first place in the elections of the State Duma in the federal electoral district in the elections of 1995 and 1999 (22.3% and 24.29% of the votes, respectively); in the elections of the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 1993 she received 12.4% of the votes. In fact, it is the legal successor of the Communist Party of the RSFSR within the CPSU. Established in February 1993 after the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation allowing the creation and activities of the Communist Party. Registered by the Ministry of Justice on March 24, 1993 (reg. No. 1618). The Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction in the State Duma of the Russian Federation, Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov, took second place in the presidential elections of the Russian Federation in 1996 and 2000.
The banner of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is red. The anthem of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is “Internationale”. The symbol of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a symbol of the union of urban, rural, scientific and cultural workers - a hammer, a sickle and a book. The motto of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is “Russia, labor, democracy, socialism!”
The Communist Party of the RSFSR as part of the CPSU was formed in June 1990 at a conference of Russian communists, transformed into the First (Founding) Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. In June-September 1990, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR was formed, headed by the First Secretary of the Central Committee, People's Deputy of the RSFSR Ivan Kuzmich Polozkov. On August 6, 1991, I. Polozkov was replaced as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR by Valentin Kuptsov. After the coup attempt in August 1991, the Communist Party of the RSFSR was banned along with the CPSU. At a meeting of the communist and workers' parties of the USSR on August 8–9, 1992, Roskomsovet was created - the Political Consultative and Coordination Council of Communists of Russia, which set as its goal the restoration of a unified Communist Party of Russia. The meeting on November 14, 1992 decided to form, on the basis of Roskomsovet, an initiative organizing committee for convening and holding the Congress of Communists of Russia, headed by V. Kuptsov. On November 30, 1992, the Constitutional Court overturned the ban on the Communist Party of the RSFSR. After this, co-chairman of the National Salvation Front (NSF) G. Zyuganov joined the Initiative Organizing Committee and became one of its leaders. On February 13–14, 1993, the Second Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia took place in the Klyazma boarding house in the Moscow region, at which the Communist Party of the RSFSR was restored under the name Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CP RF). The congress elected a Central Executive Committee (CEC) of 148 people (89 - representatives of territorial organizations, 44 - elected personally from the central list, 10 - from a closed list, that is, without announcing their names; another 5 seats were left for other communist parties). The organizers of the congress initially planned that the institution of co-chairs would be introduced into the party, among which V. Kuptsov would play a leading role. However, General Albert Makashov accused V. Kuptsov of Gorbachevism and demanded that G. Zyuganov be elected as the sole leader of the party, not at the plenum, but directly by the congress. Makashov did not leave the podium until V. Kuptsov promised to support G. Zyuganov’s candidacy and not nominate his own. G. Zyuganov was elected chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the suggestion of G. Zyuganov, 6 deputy chairmen were elected: V. Kuptsov, I. Rybkin, M. Lapshin, Viktor Zorkaltsev, Yuri Belov. The chairman and his deputies made up the Presidium of the Central Election Commission of 7 people.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation absorbed most of the Lenin Platform (LP), which separated from the RCWP, led by Richard Kosolapov, a significant part of the Russian Party of Communists, the Socialist Party of Workers and the Union of Communists, although the latter formally continued to exist independently.
On March 20, 1993, the Second Plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held, which decided to vote in the April referendum against confidence in Boris Yeltsin, against the government’s socio-economic policy, for early presidential elections, and against early parliamentary elections. At the II Plenum, V. Kuptsov was elected first deputy chairman of the CEC, the composition of the CEC presidium was expanded to 12 people: A. Shabanov (Moscow), academician Valentin Koptyug (Novosibirsk), Georgy Kostin (Voronezh), Anatoly Ionov (Ryazan) were additionally elected to the presidium ), Mikhail Surkov. CEC commissions were formed in various areas of work. The Plenum spoke in favor of postponing the 29th Congress of the CPSU, scheduled by its Organizing Committee for March 26–28. In accordance with the decision of the II Plenum, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as a whole did not take part in the XXIX Congress of the CPSU on March 27–28, 1993 and initially did not enter the Union of Communist Parties - CPSU (UKP-CPSU) formed at it. Nevertheless, several members of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected to the Council of the UPC-CPSU, and a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Oleg Shenin headed the Council of the UPC-CPSU.
In September 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation condemned the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin on the dissolution of parliament, but, unlike other communist parties, did not take an active part in the events of September 21 - October 4. On October 4, 1993, the party's activities were suspended by the authorities for several days.
On October 26, 1993, the First Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation nominated a federal election list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first convocation. In the elections of December 12, 1993, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took third place (after the LDPR and “Choice of Russia”), receiving 6 million 666 thousand 402 votes (12.40%) and, accordingly, 32 mandates under the proportional system, in addition, 10 more candidates nominated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected in single-member constituencies. Some representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and politicians close to it were elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first convocation also on the list of the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR). 13 members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected to the Federation Council of the first convocation. In January 1994, a faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation of 45 deputies was formed in the State Duma of the Russian Federation, G. Zyuganov was elected chairman of the faction, V. Zorkaltsev was elected deputy chairman, and O. Shenkarev (deputy from the Bryansk region) was elected coordinator.
For the post of Chairman of the State Duma, on January 13, 1994, the Communist Party faction nominated a non-party member of the faction, V. Kovalev, who withdrew his candidacy in favor of I. Rybkin (APR), who was eventually elected Chairman of the State Duma of the first convocation. In accordance with the “package” agreement in the State Duma of the first convocation, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction received the position of deputy chairman of the State Duma (this post was taken by V. Kovalev, and after his appointment as the Minister of Justice of the Russian Federation, G. Seleznev became the deputy chairman of the State Duma in early 1995 from the faction) , chairmen of the committees on security (V. Ilyukhin), on affairs of public associations and religious organizations (V. Zorkaltsev) and the chairman of the Credentials Commission (V. Sevastyanov).
On April 23-24, 1994, the II All-Russian Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided to “consider itself an integral part of the Union of Communist Parties while maintaining organizational independence, its program and statutory documents” (the plenum of the Council of the UPC - CPSU on July 9-10, 1994 adopted the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the UPC - CPSU). Two days before the conference, the Plenum of the CEC was held, which introduced A. Lukyanov to the Presidium of the CEC, and A. Shabanov to the number of deputy chairmen of the CEC. M. Lapshin and I. Rybkin (who joined the Agrarian Party back in 1993) were officially removed from the Central Election Commission.
The III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on January 21–22, 1995 introduced changes to the Party Charter. Instead of the Central Executive Committee, a Central Committee (Central Committee) of 139 members and 25 candidates was elected. At the first plenum of the Central Committee on January 22, 1995, without an alternative, G. Zyuganov was again elected chairman of the Central Committee, V. Kuptsov became the first deputy, A. Shabanov became the deputy, I. Melnikov, Viktor Peshkov, Sergei Potapov were the secretaries of the Central Committee, State Duma deputies Nikolai Bindyukov and G. Seleznev. The Presidium of the Central Committee included the chairman, his deputies, 3 secretaries of the Central Committee (I. Melnikov, V. Peshkov and S. Potapov), Federation Council deputy Leonid Ivanchenko, State Duma deputies A. Lukyanov, V. Zorkaltsev, A. Aparina, V. Nikitin, K. Tsiku, A. Ionov, as well as the chairman of the Leningrad organization Yu. Belov, academician V. Koptyug, head of the Amur regional committee Gennady Gamza, employee of the Ministry of Agriculture Viktor Vidmanov, G. Kostin and M. Surkov. State Duma deputy Leonid Petrovsky was elected Chairman of the Control and Audit Commission (CCRC). The Chairman of the Council of the UPC - CPSU Oleg Shenin was elected a member of the Central Committee, but refused to run for the Presidium of the Central Committee.
On August 26, 1995, the III All-Russian Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held, at which lists of candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to the State Duma of the second convocation were formed. The federal list was headed by G. Zyuganov, A. Tuleyev (formally non-party) and S. Goryacheva. In the elections to the State Duma on December 17, 1995, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took first place, collecting 15 million 432 thousand 963 votes (22.30%). In the State Duma of the second convocation, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received 157 mandates (99 mandates in the proportional system, 58 mandates in single-mandate electoral districts). In addition to the 157 deputies nominated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself, 23 candidates were elected to the State Duma, whom the Communist Party of the Russian Federation officially supported. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation received the greatest support in the elections of December 19, 1995 in North Ossetia(51.67%), in the Oryol region (44.85%), in Dagestan (43.57%), in Adygea (41.12%), in the Tambov region (40.31%), in Karachay-Cherkessia ( 40.03%), in the Penza region (37.33%), in the Ulyanovsk region (37.16%), in the Amur region (34.89%), in the Smolensk region (31.89%), in the Belgorod region ( 31.59%), in the Ryazan region (30.27%).
The Communist Party faction in the State Duma of the second convocation on January 16, 1996 consisted of 149 deputies, the number of which was later reduced to 145. Then, by decision of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, some of the deputies were delegated to the Agrarian Deputy Group and the “People's Power” group, which are close to the Communist Party faction, in order for them to achieve the number necessary for registration. Throughout the convocation, the State Duma had a stable left majority in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction, the Agrarian Group and the People's Power group. The total number of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the majority of the ADG and "People's Power" was about 220 deputies; with the participation of a number of independent deputies, the left gained up to 225-226 votes. The representative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Seleznev was elected Chairman of the State Duma of the second convocation. In addition, in accordance with the “package agreement”, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received in the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation the positions of one of the deputy chairmen of the State Duma (S. Goryacheva was elected), chairman of the Credentials Commission (V. Sevostyanov), 9 posts of committee chairmen and one deputy chairman of the remaining 19 committees. In particular, representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed the committees on legislation and judicial reform (A. Lukyanov), on veterans' affairs (V. Varennikov), on education and science (I. Melnikov), on women, family and youth affairs (A. Aparina) , By economic policy(Yu. Maslyukov), on security (V. Ilyukhin), on Federation affairs and regional politics (L. Ivanchenko), on public associations and religious organizations (V. Zorkaltsev), on tourism and sports (A. Sokolov). S. Reshulsky became the coordinator of the faction instead of O. Shenkarev, who was expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The All-Russian Conference of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on February 15, 1996 supported the candidacy of G. Zyuganov for the post of President of the Russian Federation put forward by an initiative group of citizens. In February-March 1996, a Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces was formed around the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, supporting G. Zyuganov. In the first round of the presidential elections on June 16, 1996, G. Zyuganov received 24 million 211 thousand 790 votes, or 32.04% (second place, B. Yeltsin - 35.28%), in the second round on July 3, 1995 - 30 million. 113 thousand 306 votes, or 40.31% (B. Yeltsin - 53.82%).
In addition, during the gubernatorial elections of 1996–1997, a number of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation became governors of such Russian regions, like the Bryansk region (Yu. Lodkin), Voronezh region(A. Shabanov), Tula region (V. Starodubtsev), Ryazan region (V. Lyubimov), Amur region (A. Belonogov), Stavropol region (A. Chernogorov), etc.
In August 1996, on the basis of the people's patriotic bloc, the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPUR) was established, with G. Zyuganov as its chairman. After the defeat at presidential elections 1996, while maintaining generally oppositional rhetoric, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as a whole in 1996–1998 actually supported the government of V. Chernomyrdin: it voted for its approval as prime minister, for the budget proposed by the government, etc. After the creation of the NPSR and the approval of Chernomyrdin (with the participation of the left wing of the Duma) as Chairman of the Government, several members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Duma deputies (including T. Avaliani, I. Zhdakaev, A. Saliy, V. Shandybin) sent a letter to party members about the threat liquidationism and the tendency to integrate the Communist Party of the Russian Federation into the bourgeois two-party system. However, since the spring of 1998 (after the appointment of S. Kiriyenko as Prime Minister), the opposition mood of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and, as a result, the majority in the State Duma of the Russian Federation has sharply increased.
At the IV Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on April 19–20, 1997 and the I Plenum of the new Central Committee, G. A. Zyuganov was re-elected chairman with 1 vote against. V.A. Kuptsov again became the first deputy chairman, I.I. Melnikov was elected deputy instead of A.A. Shabanov. The composition of the Presidium and Secretariat has been rotated by 1/3.
In August-September 1998, the State Duma twice in a row rejected V. Chernomyrdin’s candidacy for the post of prime minister. On September 11, 1998, the majority of faction members supported the candidacy of E. Primakov for the post of prime minister. E. Primakov’s cabinet included members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Yu. Maslyukov (First Deputy Prime Minister) and Gennady Khodyrev (Minister of Antimonopoly Policy and Entrepreneurship Support) - formally on an individual basis, but in fact with the approval of the party leadership. Supported by the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, V. Gerashchenko was appointed chairman Central Bank RF.
On May 23, 1998, the V (extraordinary) congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took place behind closed doors in Moscow, in which 192 delegates took part. A. Makashov spoke to the delegates about the “Lenin-Stalin platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation,” but the proposal to add a clause to the charter allowing the existence of platforms and factions within the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was not supported. On May 22, 1998, a meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held, at which all party members who signed the statement on the creation of the “Lenin-Stalin Platform” were asked to withdraw their signatures by June 1, 1998. On June 20, 1998, the VIII plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held in Moscow, which was preceded by an extended meeting of the Central Committee of the Russian Federation, where the personal affairs of the initiators of the creation of the “Lenin-Stalin platform” - A. Makashov, L. Petrovsky, R. Kosolapov and A. Kozlov - were considered. However, no measures were taken against them.
Simultaneously with the support of the government of E. Primakov, representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to organize the impeachment procedure against the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin.
On May 15, 1999, a vote took place, during which none of the five charges against Boris Yeltsin received the required majority of 300 votes. Largest number The third charge (on the war in Chechnya) received 284 votes. The faction deputies voted unanimously on all charges. The left's support for the Primakov government, along with the reluctance to stop the impeachment procedure, was one of the factors that led to the resignation of the Primakov government in May 1999.
After the dismissal of Primakov, the Communist Party faction nevertheless actually voted in May 1999 to approve Sergei Stepashin as Prime Minister. After S. Stepashin resigned in August 1999, 32 Duma deputies from the Communist Party faction voted for the approval of the new Prime Minister V. Putin (including G. Seleznev and faction coordinator Sergei Reshulsky), 52 deputies (including A. Lukyanov and A. Makashov) - against, the rest abstained or did not vote, G. Zyuganov did not vote.
On October 30, 1998, the 11th plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held in Moscow, at which it was decided that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation would go to the upcoming 1999 State Duma elections independently (the concept of left-communist forces entering the elections in “three columns”), and in the presidential elections In Russia in 2000 a single candidate from the left will be nominated. By the end of July 1999, the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation came to the conclusion that the tactics of the “people’s patriotic forces” marching to the Duma in “three columns” were wrong and proposed that the parties included in the PPSR create a single left-patriotic bloc under the code name “For Victory!” At the VI Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on September 4, 1999, it was decided to go to the polls under its own name; the lists of candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation included a significant number of non-partisans and activists of other left parties and movements, including A. Tuleev, S. Glazyev, the leader of the Agrarian Deputy groups in the Duma N. Kharitonov, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Trade Union of Agricultural Workers Alexander Davydov. The top three on the list included G. Zyuganov, G. Seleznev, and the governor of the Tula region V. Starodubtsev.
In the elections of December 19, 1999, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took first place, receiving 16 million 195 thousand 569 votes (24.29%) of voters, 67 deputies were elected according to the proportional system, and another 46 party candidates were elected in single-mandate constituencies. In the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation, with the help of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, an Agro-Industrial Deputy Group was also formed, headed by N. Kharitonov.
In the presidential elections on March 26, 2000, the candidate of the NPSR and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov took second place (29.21% against 52.94% for the victorious acting president V. Putin).
In December 2000, the VII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the I Plenum of the Central Committee of the new composition took place. The Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation included Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Zyuganov, First Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee V. Kuptsov, Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee (for ideology) I. Melnikov, Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee (for regional politics), First Secretary of the Rostov Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation L Ivanchenko, as well as Yu. Belov, Chairman of the Board of Agroprostroybank V. Vidmanov, N. Gubenko, First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation A. Kuvaev, Secretaries of the Central Committee V. Peshkov, S. Potapov, S. Reshulsky, First Secretary of the Samara Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation V. Romanov, Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation P. Romanov, First Secretary of the Udmurt Republican Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation N. Sapozhnikov, Chairman of the State Duma G. Seleznev, political observer of the newspaper “Soviet Russia” A. Frolov and First Secretary of the Chuvash Republican Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation V. Shurchanov (17 people in total). N. Bindyukov (on international issues), V. Kashin Vladimir Ivanovich (on agrarian issues), O. Kulikov (on information and analytical work), V. Peshkov (on election campaigns), S. Potapov (on organizational issues), S. Reshulsky (for relations with deputies), S. Seregin (for the labor movement and trade unions). The first secretary of the Pskov regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Nikitin, was elected chairman of the Central Control and Audit Commission. At the First Plenum of the Central Committee on December 3, 2000 new line-up 11 people from the previous leadership were not re-elected, including A.I. Lukyanov, Chairman of the Central Control Commission V.G. Yurchik. A.I. Lukyanov was elected chairman of the Advisory Council, V.A. Safronov - chairman of the Personnel Commission, E.B. Burchenko - manager of the affairs of the Central Committee. At the II Plenum of the Central Committee on April 13–14, 2001, T.A. Astrakhankina was elected secretary of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Central Committee on social issues.
On January 19, 2002, the VIII (extraordinary) congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held in Moscow, which officially transformed the Communist Party of the Russian Federation from a socio-political organization into a political party in accordance with the new federal law About political parties. The congress elected a new composition of the Central Committee and the Communist Party Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation; in general, the composition of the party’s governing bodies underwent almost no changes.
At the beginning of the third convocation of the State Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered into a tactical alliance with the “Unity” faction and the “People’s Deputy” group, the result of this tactical alliance was the re-election of the representative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Seleznev as chairman of the State Duma and the receipt of these parliamentary seats disproportionately in relation to their number in the deputy corps associations, the number of leadership positions in the State Duma: in addition to 9 committees and the credentials commission, the representative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation P. Romanov became deputy chairman of the State Duma, another representative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. Semigin became deputy chairman of the State Duma under the APG quota. However, the reluctance of the communists to support many of the government's legislative initiatives and the negative attitude of the majority of the media towards the alliance of leftists and centrists led to an increasing cooling of relations between the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Unity. As a result, on April 3, 2002, the right and centrists united and voted for the redistribution of leadership positions in the State Duma of the third convocation: the communists were left with 3 committees out of 9, and the agro-industrial group 1 out of 2. The leadership of the State Duma apparatus was also replaced, instead of the representative of the left N. Troshkin The post was taken by the centrist A. Lotorev. Members of the faction were released from their posts - chairmen of the committees on state building (A. Lukyanov), on education and science (I. Melnikov), on industry, construction and high technology (Yu. Maslyukov), on labor and social policy (V. Saikin), on economic policy and entrepreneurship (G. Glazyev), on Federation Affairs and regional policy (L. Ivanchenko) and Chairman of the Credentials Committee V. Sevostyanov. In this situation, the plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation demanded that the three remaining chairmen of communist committees and the Chairman of the State Duma G. Seleznev leave their posts. However, after the revision of the package agreement, representatives of the faction Speaker G. Seleznev, N. Gubenko (Chairman of the Committee on Culture and Tourism) and S. Goryacheva (Chairman of the Committee on Women, Family and Youth Affairs) decided to remain in their posts contrary to the decision of the faction. As a result, the Plenum of the Central Committee on May 25, 2002 decided to expel them from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Duma majority decided to retain N. Gubenko and S. Goryacheva, who had become non-party members, in their posts. Thus, at present, the only representative of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation among the chairmen of committees is the chairman of the Committee on Affairs of Public and Religious Organizations V. Zorkaltsev.
In general, the Communist Party faction in the State Duma traditionally supports draft laws and regulations that protect the interests of the military-industrial complex and the agro-industrial complex, as well as bills aimed at strengthening social guarantees for the population. At the same time, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation votes for numerous bills that tighten repressive and administrative legislation.
There are three main currents in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: national-reformist, calling itself “people’s-patriotic” (G. Zyuganov, Yu. Belov, V. Ilyukhin, A. Makashov), social-reformist, evolving towards social democracy (its informal leader was G. Seleznev, now this trend is greatly weakened, V. Kuptsov is close to it) and the orthodox-communist (R. Kosolapov, L. Petrovsky, T. Astrakhankina).
The ideology of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is based on the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, its goal is to build socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, and advocates true democracy in the form of Soviets, strengthening a federal multinational state. According to the Charter of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, “defending communist ideals, protects the interests of the working class, peasantry, intelligentsia, and all working people.”
The program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation states that “the fundamental dispute between capitalism and socialism, under the sign of which the twentieth century passed, is not completed. Capitalism, which dominates most of the globe today, is a type of society where material and spiritual production is subject to market laws of extracting maximum profit, accumulating capital, tending to unlimited growth. In the second half of the twentieth century, due to new sophisticated methods of colonization, predatory exploitation of the material, labor and intellectual resources of most of the planet, a group of developed capitalist countries, the so-called “golden billion” of the population, entered the stage of “consumer society”, in which consumption from a natural function human body turns into a new “sacred duty” of the individual, on the zealous fulfillment of which his social status entirely depends... At the same time, capitalism has not lost its nature at all. The poles of the contradiction between labor and capital were moved beyond the state borders of developed countries and distributed across continents. The new structure of the capitalist world allowed it to maintain relative stability, reduce the militancy of the labor movement, and smooth out social conflicts in leading countries, turning them into interstate conflicts. However, having ensured a high level of consumption and growth rates for a small group of countries, capitalism has brought humanity to a new round of contradictions, giving rise to hitherto unknown global problems of the Earth - environmental, demographic, ethnosocial." The Communist Party of the Russian Federation believes that for Russia the most justified and consistent with its interests is the choice of optimal socialist development, during which socialism as
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation proclaims three political stages in the consistent peaceful achievement of its goals. At the first stage, communists organize workers’ defense of their social, economic, and political interests, and lead mass protests of workers for their rights. The party, together with its allies, is seeking the formation of a government of national salvation. He will have to eliminate the catastrophic consequences of the “reforms,” stop the decline in production, and ensure the basic socio-economic rights of workers. It is intended to return to the people and take control of the state property appropriated contrary to the public interests. Create conditions for commodity producers to work effectively within the framework of the law. At the second stage, after achieving relative political and economic stability, workers will be increasingly able to participate in the management of state affairs through Soviets, trade unions, workers' self-government and other life-born bodies of direct democracy. The leading role of socialist forms of economic management, which are socially, structurally, organizationally and technically most suitable for ensuring the well-being of the people, will clearly appear in the economy. The third stage, according to the ideologists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, will mark the final formation of socialist relations on an economic basis that meets the requirements of the model of optimal socialist development. Will dominate social forms ownership of the means of production. As the level of real socialization of labor increases, their dominance in the economy will gradually be established.
The minimum program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation provides for priority measures to implement the strategic goals of the party, which it sees as achieving by all legal means: the adoption of amendments to the laws on the electoral system and referendum, guaranteeing full consideration of the free expression of citizens, voter control over elected representatives of government; holding early elections of the President of the Russian Federation and the creation of a government of national salvation in order to peacefully resolve the political crisis in the country; ending fratricidal interethnic conflicts, restoring friendship and cooperation of peoples; denunciation of the Belovezhskaya agreements and the gradual restoration on a voluntary basis of a single union state; ensuring the maximum possible representation of workers in government bodies, self-government at various levels, protection of rights labor collectives; preventing private ownership of land and natural resources, their purchase and sale, implementing the principle “the land belongs to the people and those who cultivate it”; adoption of laws on employment and combating unemployment, ensuring a real living wage for the population; stopping the denigration of Russian and Soviet history, memory and teachings of V.I. Lenin; ensuring the right of citizens to truthful information, access to public funds mass media all social and political forces operating within the framework of the law; national discussion and adoption by the majority of voters of the new Constitution of the Russian Federation.
After coming to power, the party undertakes to: form a government of people's trust, accountable to the highest representative bodies of power of the country; restore Soviets and other forms of democracy; restore popular control over production and income; change the economic course, implement emergency measures of state regulation in order to stop the decline in production, fight inflation, and improve the standard of living of the people; return to Russian citizens guaranteed socio-economic rights to work, rest, housing, free education and medical care, and a secure old age; terminate international treaties and agreements that infringe on the interests and dignity of Russia; introduce a state monopoly of foreign trade on strategic goods, including raw materials, scarce foods and other consumer goods, etc.
A citizen joining the Communist Party of the Russian Federation submits a personal written application and recommendations of two members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation who have party experience of at least one year. The question of admission to the party is being decided general meeting the primary branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation located on the territory of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation in which the citizen permanently or primarily resides. In exceptional cases, the issue of admission to the party can be decided by the Bureau of the Committee of the corresponding local or regional branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Party membership is suspended for the period the member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation performs state or other duties for which the Constitution of the Russian Federation, federal constitutional law or federal law does not allow membership in political parties. The decision to suspend and renew party membership is made by the general meeting of the primary branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, in which the communist is registered, or by other bodies specified in paragraph 2.6. Charter of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation under the age of 30 can unite in youth sections, which are created at large primary branches or party committees.
The highest governing body of the party is the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Regular congresses are convened by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation at least once every four years. The decision to convene the next Congress, approve the draft agenda of the Congress and establish a norm of representation is announced no later than three months before the Congress. An extraordinary (extraordinary) Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be convened by the Central Committee on its own initiative, at the proposal of the Central Control and Audit Commission of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, or at the request of the Committees of regional branches of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, uniting at least one third of the total number of members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The permanent governing body of the party is the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, whose members are elected by secret ballot by the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The central bodies of the party are the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation elects from among its members for the term of office of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation the Chairman of the Central Committee, the First Deputy and Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee, as well as members of the Presidium of the Central Committee and terminates their powers ahead of schedule, elects from among its members the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, convenes regular and extraordinary Congresses of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation , determines the date and place of their holding, as well as the draft agenda and the norm of representation at the Congress from regional branches; issues a warning or removes from the performance of his duties the first secretary of the Committee of a local or regional branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the cases and in the manner provided for by the Charter; dissolves the Committee of a local or regional branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in cases and in the manner provided for by the Charter. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation develops documents on the most important issues of socio-economic and political life on the basis of the Party Program and decisions of the Congresses of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, organizes the implementation of decisions of the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, develops proposals on issues of domestic and foreign policy of the party, determines the tactics of the party for the current period, coordinates the activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction in the State Duma, as well as the deputy factions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in legislative (representative) government bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, etc.
Plenums of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are convened by the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation as necessary, but at least once every four months. Extraordinary Plenums of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are convened by its Presidium on its own initiative, as well as at the request of at least one third of the members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation or at least one third of the Committees of regional branches of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has the right, by its decision, to co-opt into its composition new members from among the candidates for membership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation elected by the Party Congress by secret ballot to replace the retired members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
To resolve political and organizational issues in the period between Plenums of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Central Committee elects the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation for the term of its powers. The Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation includes the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the First Deputy and Deputy Chairmen of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, as well as members of the Presidium. To organize current work, as well as verify the implementation of decisions of the central bodies of the party, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation elects a Secretariat, which is accountable to the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Direct management of the activities of the Secretariat is carried out by the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and during his absence, on his instructions, by one of the Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Secretariat includes the Secretaries of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, who supervise certain areas of the party’s activities.
The central control body of the party is the Central Control and Audit Commission of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. By decision of the permanent governing bodies of the structural divisions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation or the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Advisory Councils may be created under these bodies from among the most experienced and trained members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Recommendations of the Advisory Councils are considered by the Committees or Bureau of Committees of the relevant structural divisions or the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation or its Presidium without fail.
Alexander Kynev
Literature:
Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Congress (7; 2000; Moscow). VII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: December 2–3. 2000: (Materials and documents) / Rep. per issue Burchenko E.B. M.: Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 2001
Faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the State Duma// Deputies of the Communist Party faction reflect on the fate of Russia: Sat. interview and article/ Faction Com. party Ros. Federation. M., 2001
Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.
THE CONSIGNMENT- this is political public organization who fights for power or for participation in the exercise of power. Political Party- is an organization of like-minded people, representing the interests of citizens, social groups and classes and setting as its goal their implementation by conquering state power or participating in its implementation. The rivalry of political groups, united around influential families or popular leaders, has been a characteristic, essential feature of political history for many centuries. But such organizations, which we call political parties, arose in Europe and the USA at the beginning of the 19th century.
There are many approaches to defining the essence of political parties: understanding a party as a group of people adhering to the same ideological doctrine (B. Konstant.); interpretation of a political party as a spokesman for the interests of certain classes (Marxism); institutional understanding of a political party as an organization operating in the state system (M. Duverger).
Other approaches to defining parties: a party is the bearer of ideology; a party is a long-term association of people; the goal of the party is the conquest and exercise of power; The party seeks to gain the support of the people.
Functions of political parties
Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:
· representation - expression of the interests of certain groups of the population;
· socialization - involving part of the population among its members and supporters;
· ideological function - developing a political platform that is attractive to a certain part of society;
· participation in the struggle for power - selection, promotion of political personnel and provision of conditions for their activities;
· participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.
In modern political history, there are different types of party systems: bourgeois-democratic party system formed in Europe and North America in the 19th century. In its activities it is guided by the following rules: there is a legal struggle for power in society; power is exercised by a party or group of parties that have secured the support of a parliamentary majority; there is constant legal opposition; There is agreement among parties within the party system regarding the observance of these rules.
IN bourgeois system Many types of party coalitions have formed : multiparty coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - none of the two main parties gathers an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-bloc coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; coalition of dominance - one party independently exercises power throughout long period; cooperation coalition - the strongest parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.
socialist party system there is only one legal party; the party leads the state at all levels of the state apparatus; the emergence of such a political system is associated with a crisis of democratic or authoritarian systems of government.
authoritarian party system This type of government is intermediate, with the dominant factor being the state rather than the party, which plays a secondary role in the process of exercising power. The existence of other parties is also allowed.
This classification experience is based precisely on what parties claim, as opposed to what they actually do. In the modern world Russian politics nothing is called by its proper name: the political views that the parties declare do not correspond to their names, the actions of the parties do not correspond to their political views, and the views themselves say nothing about the interests of those individuals who demonstrate them.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation
Communist Party of the Russian Federation (05/01/2009)
According to program documents, the party continues the work of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and, based on the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, has as its goal the construction of socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, advocates true democracy in the form of Soviets, the strengthening of a federal multinational state, is a party of patriots, internationalists, a party of friendship of peoples, defending communist ideals, defends the interests of the working class, peasantry, intelligentsia, and all working people.
A significant place in the program documents and works of the party leaders is occupied by the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people with its thousand-year history, with its qualities - “conciliarity and sovereignty, deep faith, ineradicable altruism and a decisive rejection of the commercial lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise,” "Russian question".
The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.
Party structure
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation builds its work on the basis of a program and charter. The Party, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, federal law“On public associations” and other laws of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a legal entity from the moment state registration and carries out its activities in accordance with the statutory goals throughout the Russian Federation.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation creates its own regional, local and primary party organizations throughout the Russian Federation. The location of the permanent governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Moscow.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the Russian communist parties.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the Second Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The Communist Party of the RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 “On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR”, and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169; the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9-P dated November 30, 1992.
In August 1996, Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCRP V. Tyulkin sent an open letter to Zyuganov in which he wrote: “Knowing the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, taking into account the latest
actions of your party, recognizing the right of your organization to its special place in today’s political system, at the same time I ask you to consider removing the word “communist” from the name of your party, so as not to discredit the theory itself and not mislead working people. The appeal is completely rhetorical, but some of the formulations are successful. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation really has little in common with communist ideology and occupies its special place in today's political system - on the left flank of the party in power.
It must be said that this place went to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation somewhere in early 1995. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it exists today appeared relatively late - at the beginning of 1993, on the basis of several small communist parties and the activists of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR . In October 1993, she faced her first serious test, but more or less retained face both before the authorities and (less) before the opposition, not taking part in the defense of the White House, but condemning the actions of the president. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the Duma in 1993 with good results. However, the parties and movements with which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was blocked at the end of 1993 had already drifted to the right by 1995, becoming small satellites of the party in power; the future leader of the pro-government socialists, Ivan Rybkin, broke away from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation . The LDPR was guided by its own commercial interests. On the eve of the elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was forced to take a very cautious position so as not to give rise to disruption.
Zyuganov's presidential election campaign was characterized by oscillations from moderate anti-government rhetoric to a de facto pro-government position (for example, on the issue of Chechnya). In 1995-1996, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally took shape as part of the party in power, “looking after” the communist part of the Russian electorate (this was especially evident between the two rounds of the 1996 presidential elections).
The positions that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation occupied in the Duma from 1995 to 1999: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to consider the issue of private property and began to consider the coexistence of state, public and private property “in one bottle” possible. Now she only opposes private ownership of land, believing that land should remain in public ownership. But “it can be transferred to public, farm and peasant farms for permanent, eternal, inheritable and rental ownership and use. Only household and dacha plots of land can be transferred to private ownership.”
After the transfer of power to the government of people's trust, private property will be preserved so that "the economy develops" ("...As followers of Ilyich,... we stand for a multi-structure economy." G. Zyuganov), but at the same time the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is meeting somehow “to establish self-government and control of labor collectives over production and distribution” under conditions of private property. In matters of state policy, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation takes a moderate national-patriotic position, putting forward as its main slogan “sovereignty, democracy, equality, spirituality and justice.” While advocating respect for rights and freedoms and limiting the powers of the president by parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, however, advocates for “establishing order and tough actions in Chechnya (having abandoned the well-known right of nations to self-determination).
Thus, in general, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be called social democratic with a significant leftist bias. Its main goal in the political struggle is to maintain its broad representation in parliament and (sometimes) to lobby the interests of pro-communist businessmen. The main electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are residents of small towns and rural areas, mainly pensioners and young people, who vote not for the program, but for the name. As sociologists say, “the electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is least susceptible to PR manipulation, since they vote not for Zyuganov or against Putin, but for communism, for the name “Communist Party.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not have much influence among workers and it itself admits this; it does not know how to work in megacities , namely, their votes determined the results, for example, of the second round of the 1996 presidential elections. In the 1996 regional elections, 14 governors nominated by the PPSR were elected, but this victory was achieved at the expense of the regions that traditionally vote for the “left”.
The failure in the 2003 elections showed that the party urgently needs to change its election platform and program, since the old slogans, even somewhat democratized, no longer find a response in Russian society. All less people, who vote not for a leader or a program, but for the word “communist”.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not have any popular regional leaders. Some business executives from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation moved to the right within the party in power, for example, Luzhkov’s right hand V. Shantsev.
The electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will most likely continue to decrease over the next four years, but among supporters from among officials and managers, as well as in the apparatus of the party itself, stratification will most likely deepen: the bulk will remain in the bosom of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the most influential (about one tenth) will “move” to the right (not very far), and the radical left (also about one tenth) will move to the extreme left (Tyulkin’s party, etc.). Thus, the leadership should expect an even lower result in the 2007 elections.
The process of consolidation of various associations, caused by the Law “On Political Parties,” may finally fulfill the long-standing dream of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and put an end to multi-partyism among Russian communists. From the very moment this law was approved, it was obvious that the current communist associations of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union would not be able to recruit the required number of members and regional branches. However, the last point in the history of the existence of small communist parties will be put by amendments to the Law “On Basic Guarantees of Citizens' Electoral Rights,” developed by the Central Election Commission and submitted to the State Duma by the president in August.
Party press - the newspaper "Pravda", more than 30 regional publications, the internal "Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work." Previously, the weekly “Pravda Rossii” and the magazine “Political Education” were published, and the radio “Resonance” was friendly.
The largest friendly newspaper is “Soviet Russia”; until 2004, the newspaper “Zavtra” was friendly. Since its founding, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been represented sparingly in the most widely circulated print media, on TV and major radio stations, although not without hesitation. History textbooks and most media do not mention, for example, the abolition by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of a number of provisions of B. N. Yeltsin’s decree banning the Communist Party of the RSFSR, the claim of election fraud in 2003, active party building (over the past 4-5 years in 10-15 thousand young people join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation annually).
Finance of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
According to the financial report of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation provided to the Central Election Commission, in 2006 the party received 127,453,237 rubles in the form of funds for the implementation of its statutory activities. Of them:
29% - came from membership fees
30% - federal budget funds
6% - donations
35% - other income
In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:
21% - for propaganda activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)
7% - preparation and conduct of elections and referendums
Leader biography
Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born. June 26, 1944, in a teacher’s family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). Father, Andrei Mikhailovich Zyuganov (d. 1990), was an artillery crew commander, after the war he taught most subjects at the Mymrinskaya secondary school, including the basics of agriculture, excluding foreign and Russian languages and literature. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915 - taught in the primary classes of the Mymrinskaya school.
After graduating with a silver medal from the Mymrinsky secondary school in the Khotynetsky district of the Oryol region in 1961, he worked there as a teacher for a year. In 1962 he entered the Orlovsky Faculty of Physics and Mathematics pedagogical institute, who graduated with honors in 1969. In 1963-1966. served in Soviet army in radiation-chemical reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany (currently a reserve colonel). He taught physics and mathematics at a university. At the same time, he was engaged in trade union, Komsomol, and party work. In 1966 he joined the CPSU. Since 1967, he has been involved in Komsomol work, working in elected positions at the district, city and regional levels.
After graduating from the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, he taught there from 1969 to 1970. From 1972 to 1974 he worked as the first secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1974-1983 he was secretary of the district committee, second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU, then head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU. At the same time in 73-77. was a deputy of the Oryol City Council, from 80 to 83 - a deputy of the Oryol Regional Council of Deputies. From 1978 to 1980 he studied at the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, and completed his graduate studies as an external student. In 1980 he defended his Ph.D. thesis.
In 1983-1989, Zyuganov worked in the department of agitation and propaganda of the CPSU Central Committee as an instructor and head of the sector. In 1989-1990 he was deputy head of the ideological department of the CPSU Central Committee. Delegate to the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (June 1990) and, accordingly, as a representative of the RSFSR - the Founding Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (June-September 1990).
After the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR in June 1990, at the 1st founding congress, he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, chairman of the Standing Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems, and in September 1990 - secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
In July 1991, together with a number of well-known government, political and public figures, he signed the “Word to the People” appeal. In August 1991, he was nominated as a candidate in the elections of the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but withdrew his candidacy in favor of V. A. Kuptsov due to the lack of experience in parliamentary work.
In December 1991, he was co-opted into the coordinating council of the Russian All-People's Union. At the same time he was elected a member of the coordinating council of the Fatherland movement. On June 12-13, 1992, he participated in the 1st council (congress) of the Russian National Council (RNC), and became a member of the presidium of the cathedral.
In October 1992, he joined the organizing committee of the National Salvation Front (NSF). At the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP RSFSR) on February 13-14, 1993, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the party, and at the first organizational plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - Chairman of the Central Executive Committee.
On July 25-26, 1993, he took part in the II Congress of the National Salvation Front in Moscow. From 20:00 on September 21, 1993 - after Boris Yeltsin’s speech announcing the dissolution of parliament - he was in the House of Soviets, speaking at rallies. On October 3, he appeared on air at VGTRK, calling on the population of Moscow to refrain from participating in rallies and clashes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
In April-May 1994, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the “Concord in the Name of Russia” movement. On January 21-22, 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he became chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. On December 17, 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
On March 4, 1996, he was registered as a candidate for President of the Russian Federation. On June 16, 1996, the presidential elections of the Russian Federation took place. The candidacy of Gennady Zyuganov was supported by 31.96 percent of the votes of voters who took part in the voting. On July 3, 1996, during the voting in the second round of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, 40.41% of voters voted for Zyuganov’s candidacy. In August 1996, he was elected chairman of the coordination council of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included parties and movements that supported G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential elections.
On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
In 2000, in the Russian presidential elections he received 29.21% of the votes. In January 2001, at the plenum of the Council of the SKP-CPSU, he was elected chairman of the council of the Union of Communist Parties.
In 2003, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - as a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.
Zyuganov missed the 2004 presidential elections, where the party was represented by Nikolai Kharitonov, and took part in the 2008 elections, taking second place after Dmitry Medvedev (according to official data, more than 13 million votes, or 17.7% of those who took part in the elections).
Author of a series of monographs. Defended his doctoral dissertation in philosophy on the topic “Main trends and mechanism of socio-political changes in modern Russia" In 1996-2004 he headed the People's Patriotic Union of Russia. Since 2001 he has headed the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party Soviet Union.
CONCLUSION
Over the first few years of the new millennium, Russia has made significant progress towards the formation of a party system. A multi-party system has existed in our country since the early 90s, but the party system is still in its infancy.
Parties are constantly developing, waging political struggle among themselves, they are developing, uniting and developing joint positions. To increase influence on government structures and to promote their representatives to government structures.
The establishment of a multi-party system in the country is difficult and contradictory. It is still far from those civilized frameworks that experts and adherents of Western democracy dream of. More often than not, it happens that parties arise, are registered, and sometimes even disappear, but no one knows who is behind them, who supports them. And this is the main problem of many groups that claim the right to be called parties.
But one thing is clear - the revival of Russia requires not just the interaction of parties, but also the interaction of simply political forces. They must cooperate with each other on reasonable terms.
LITERATURE
1. Reshetnev, S.A. On the issue of classification of political parties in Russia [text]/S.A. Reshetnev // Kommersant power. - 2004. - No. 3. - P. 2-4
3. http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%9F%D0%A0%D0%A4
4. Dugin A. Left project // Russian newspaper.- 2003.- March 26.5. Sumbatyan Yu. G. Political regimes in modern world: comparative analysis. Educational and methodological manual. - M., 1999.
Political party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation"(abbreviated as Communist Party of the Russian Federation) - left opposition parliamentary Political Party Russia
Brief history of the party
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the Second Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) on the basis of the primary organizations of the Communist Party of the RSFSR as the All-Russian public organization "Communist Party of the Russian Federation" - the successor of the CPSU and was officially registered in March of the same year. Later transformed into a political party. Ideological continuity with the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR is enshrined in the Charter of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the party program adopted at its XIII Congress.
The Second Congress is also called unification and restoration, since in accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court, B. Yeltsin’s ban on primary organizations - party cells of the Communist Party of the RSFSR was lifted. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation arose as a party created on the basis of these primary organizations. In addition, the parties that emerged in 1991-1992 were also expected to unite with it. on the membership base of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
During the events of October 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation spoke out in support of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, but its structures have not taken part since the events of October 3 and 4. G. Zyuganov appealed to his supporters with a request to abandon active protests in order to avoid senseless victims. As a result of these events, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was again banned from October 4-18, 1993. On the eve of the December elections to the State Duma and the referendum on the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation wanted to be removed from the elections for criticizing the draft Constitution, but they did not do this.
According to the voting results on December 12, 1993, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took third place after the LDPR and Russia's Choice, receiving 12.40% of the votes and, taking into account single-mandate deputies, 42 mandates. At the same time, an additional part of the representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its political allies became deputies on the list of the Agrarian Party of Russia.
In the elections of December 17, 1995, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took first place, receiving 22.30% of the vote and 157 mandates (99 in the proportional system and 58 in single-mandate constituencies).
In February - March 1996, to support G.A. Zyuganov, in the elections of the President of the Russian Federation, a Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces was formed, headed by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In this election, G.A. Zyuganov lost to B.N. Yeltsin with a slight lag (40.31% and 53.82%, respectively).
In the summer of 1998, the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the deputies supporting it began the procedure for the removal of Russian President B.N. Yeltsin from office. However, during the voting of deputies in 1999, none of the five charges received the required 300 votes.
In the 2000s. a period of decline in the popularity of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation begins, which is associated not only with the characteristics of the party itself, but also with the formation of a party system with one dominant party. In the State Duma elections in 2003, the communists received only 12.8% of the votes and 51 seats. The Rodina bloc, created in September 2003, took away a significant part of the votes from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In the next elections in 2007, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received only 11.57% of the votes and 57 seats.
At this time there were attempts at rapprochement with the right-wing liberal parties, which, however, did not bring any particular results. In 2004, party leader G. A. Zyuganov stated that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation should be ready for a tactical alliance with the “liberals.” It was proposed to base it on the principle of “walking apart, striking together.” However, the creation of such a union was complicated by differences on issues such as the removal of Lenin’s body from the mausoleum and the rehabilitation of Stalin. By 2007, the opinion began to emerge in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation that an alliance with the “liberals” was a “compromise”.
This period also includes several splits and departures from the party. In 2002, after a conflict with the Unity faction in the Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided to vacate its leadership positions in the State Duma. Speaker of the Duma G. Seleznev, chairmen of committees N. Gubenko and S. Goryacheva did not obey the decision and were expelled from the faction and party. In 2004, the head of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, G. Semigin, was expelled from the party. The opposition to Gennady Zyuganov as the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was led by the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Governor of the Ivanovo Region V. Tikhonov. In June 2004, two Central Committee Plenums were held simultaneously in Moscow, and two party congresses were held in July. The congress, held by supporters of V. Tikhonov, was declared invalid, and V. Tikhonov himself and his supporters were expelled from the party. In 2008, a story occurred related to the refusal of delegates from St. Petersburg to participate in the 13th Party Congress and known as the “new Leningrad case.” As a result, the St. Petersburg City Committee was dissolved, three of its leaders were expelled from the party, and three regional organizations were liquidated. These events were widely discussed on the Internet, including on the website of the Moscow organization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. As a result of this whole story, the first secretary of the MGO of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, D. Ulas, was reprimanded, he himself was removed from this post, and the bureau of the MGC was dissolved. Other regional leaders were also suspended. In July 2010, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself, district branches, and part of the old district branches were dissolved. Opponents of the dissolution of the city committee, however, did not agree with this decision and announced the falsification of the plenum of the Central Committee.
Organizational structure and party members
In 2010, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had 152,844 party members. This is significantly less than in the 1990s. (in 1999, the party had approximately 500 thousand members, in 2006, according to party leader G.A. Zyuganov, the party numbered only 184 thousand, while 48% of party members were over 60 years old, 43% were over 30 up to 60, and only 7% are under 30 years old). Party leaders admit that the main problems of the party are the replenishment of party ranks, their rejuvenation and the preparation of a personnel reserve.
There was a reduction in the number of members of the deputy faction in the State Duma of the Russian Federation and the number of officials - members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Success in gubernatorial elections in the 1990s. led to the fact that representatives and nominees of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed a number of subjects of the Russian Federation, and these subjects themselves formed the so-called. “red belt” (with a high level of support from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). However, in the 2000s, some current governors left or were expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and joined United Russia (A. Mikhailov, A. Tkachev) and currently there are no governors who are members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (the governor of the Vladimir region N. Vinogradov suspended his membership in party in 2008).
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation had its own factions in all compositions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. In 1998-1999, party representative Y. Maslyukov was the first deputy prime minister in the government of E. Primakov.
The governing body of the party, according to the charter, is the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF Central Committee). The Central Committee develops documents on the most important issues based on the party program and decisions of congresses. The Chairman of the Central Committee is G.A. Zyuganov, the first deputy is I.I. Melnikov.
The central bodies of the party also include the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Presidium is elected to resolve political and organizational issues in the period between plenums of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. To organize the current work and monitor the implementation of decisions of the central bodies of the party, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation elects a secretariat, reporting to the presidium.
The party also has a supreme supervisory body - the Central Control and Audit Commission (CCRK) of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which monitors compliance by members and structural units of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation with the charter. This body also considers appeals by members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation against certain decisions of higher authorities.
The creation of factions is prohibited in the party, and party discipline is strictly controlled.
The printed organ of the party is the newspaper Pravda. In addition, the party has an internal “Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work”; magazine "Political Education" and more than 30 regional publications.
A friendly youth organization is the Union of Communist Youth.
Ideological and political position of the party
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a force in opposition to the authorities, sharply criticizes the current political course and the government of V. Putin. Despite this, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved a number of actions in the field of foreign policy. For example, in 2008, after the armed conflict in South Ossetia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved military action and recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation opposes the expansion of NATO and the deployment of American missile defense in Eastern Europe.
He calls his strategic goal in the long term the construction of “renewed socialism” in Russia in three stages. In the short term, it sets itself the following goals: the coming to power of “patriotic forces”, the nationalization of mineral resources and strategic sectors of the economy while preserving small and medium-sized businesses, and strengthening the social orientation of state policy.
In the 2008 party program, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is declared to be the only political organization that consistently defends the rights of wage earners and national-state interests. The program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation states that the party is guided by the Marxist-Leninist teaching and creatively develops it, based on the experience and achievements of domestic and world science and culture. However, a significant place in the program documents and works of party leaders is occupied by “the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people” with its qualities - “conciliarity and sovereignty, deep faith, ineradicable altruism and a decisive rejection of the commercial lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise.”
Russian political party
All-Russian political party founded in 1993. He is the “ideological successor” of the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Since its creation, it has criticized the current government and positioned itself as an opposition party. The leader of the party since 1993 is Gennady Zyuganov.
Founding of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) was founded in 1993. Members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation considered their organization as the successor to the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP of the RSFSR as part of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, CPSU), the founding congress of which was held in June 1990. The first secretaries of the Central Committee (Central Committee) of the Communist Party of the RSFSR were first Ivan Polozkov (because of this in the press it was sometimes called the “Polozkov party”), and then, from the beginning of August 1991, Valentin Kuptsov was elected to this post. Gennady Zyuganov became one of the secretaries, as well as a member of the Politburo of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (in 1991, he was also one of the candidates for the post of first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but was not elected). However, the Communist Party of the RSFSR did not last long: after the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) attempted to carry out a coup in August 1991, its activities, like the activities of the CPSU, were suspended and then banned. Property that was at the disposal or use of the CPSU was transferred to the state.
The party's policy statement and its charter were adopted at the congress. In it, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was proclaimed the successor to the Communist Party of the RSFSR and the CPSU, factions, platforms and dual membership were prohibited in the party. The “most massive party currently existing” in Russia was born, uniting all the famous communist figures in the country, the media noted at that time: the number of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was then estimated at 500 thousand people.
At the same congress in 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation adopted a resolution “On the property of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation,” according to which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was recognized as “the authorized successor to the property of the CPSU on the territory of Russia.” Subsequently, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation repeatedly filed lawsuits, trying to return real estate that previously belonged to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. However, obtaining this property legally was not easy: according to the decision of the Constitutional Court in 1992, the property of the CPSU (or the property that the CPSU was using at the time of the ban, whose owner was unknown) was returned to the party, and state property remained with the state. However, the same court decision confirmed the legality of the dissolution of the management organizational structures Communist Party, and “no one was recognized as the legal successor of the CPSU.” Accordingly, there was “no one to sue for the return of the property of the Communist Party and no one to answer for these claims” , , . Anatoly Sobchak in his book “Once Upon a Time There Was a Communist Party” also pointed out that “in fact” there was nothing to return: in August 1991, “resourceful party functionaries created many fictitious structures to which they hastened to transfer the property and money of the party.” The finances of the CPSU also, after the collapse of the communist system, “surfaced in the form of new commercial banks and other structures.” Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation claimed in 2008 that “no court decision on the ‘party money’ was ever made.”
On March 23, 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received registration from the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation. Analysts also drew attention to the fact that the “communist multi-party system” in the country was preserved, despite the fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, “thanks to its reliance on old nomenklatura cadres who held strong positions” in the economy, as well as in regional and local authorities, quickly took “ dominant positions on the left flank."
Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the 1990s
In September-October 1993, the country experienced political crisis, expressed in armed confrontation between two branches of government - legislative and executive. On September 21, 1993, President Boris Yeltsin signed a decree dissolving the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and scheduled elections for December 12, 1993 to a new representative body of power - the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. A few days later, he issued decrees to hold early presidential elections in the Russian Federation on June 12, 1994, as well as to schedule a referendum on December 12 on the adoption of a new constitution. The actions of the head of state aroused resistance from parliamentarians, who on September 23, 1993, declaring Yeltsin’s presidential powers terminated, entrusted Vice President Alexander Rutsky with the duties of the President of the Russian Federation. The confrontation ultimately led to the shooting of the building of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation and the armed seizure of the White House. In this situation, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, unlike ordinary party activists, behaved cautiously and, in a television speech, called on his comrades-in-arms for exclusively peaceful resistance. The position of the party leadership, as well as the fact that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, unlike other left parties, refused to boycott the elections to the State Duma of the first convocation, subsequently gave the press a reason to reproach the party led by Zyuganov for “helping to legalize the new “super-presidential” model authorities", .
According to the results of the vote on December 12, 1993, the Communist Party received 12.4 percent of the vote and, accordingly, 32 seats under the proportional system. Another 10 candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won in single-mandate constituencies, and 13 party members were elected to the Federation Council. Zyuganov became the chairman of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction in the State Duma, and Ivan Rybkin, a member of the Duma agrarian faction, who held the post of leader of the Communists of Russia faction in the former Russian parliament, was elected speaker of the lower house.
Subsequently, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to actively criticize the activities of the authorities. After communist Valentin Kovalev was appointed Minister of Justice of the Russian Federation in the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin, the Communist Party faction in the State Duma in January 1995, declaring this appointment an attempt to “discredit the firm and consistent policy of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation regarding the ruling regime,” expelled Kovalev from its membership. : according to the leaders of the faction, there could be no “speech about the participation of communists in a government guilty of the destruction of our great country” , , .
On January 21-22, 1995, the third congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took place, at which a management system was formed that remained in the party for many years. A Central Committee (Central Committee) consisting of 139 members and 25 candidates, its presidium (19 people) and secretariat (5 people) appeared in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Zyuganov was elected Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, his first deputy was Kuptsov, and his other deputy was Alexander Shabanov. To control party activities, a Central Control and Audit Commission of 40 people was introduced. At the third congress, a new program and party charter were also adopted. As noted in the press, the amendments to the charter approved by the congress, including the proposed “measures to strengthen the principle of democratic centralism”, the ban on factionalism and dual membership, the responsibility of communists elected to parliament on party lists to the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, etc., were intended to “change the face of the party,” but instead “they only made the already familiar features more distinct” (meaning provisions similar to a number of provisions of the CPSU charter - editor’s note).
In August 1995, the “first troika” of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was approved in the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation: Zyuganov, non-party head legislative assembly Kemerovo region Aman Tuleyev and member of the presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Svetlana Goryacheva, ,. On December 17, the elections of State Duma deputies took place, the communists took first place, receiving 22.3 percent of the votes. Candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won in 58 single-mandate constituencies, , , . In addition to deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself, 23 candidates from among independents, members of the Agrarian Party of Russia (APR) and nominees of the “Power to the People!” bloc (leaders Nikolai Ryzhkov, Sergei Baburin and others) entered the Duma, whom the Communist Party officially supported during the election campaign campaigns, . The Communist Party of the Russian Federation nominated Secretary of the Central Committee Gennady Seleznev to the post of Chairman of the State Duma, and he won after three rounds of voting. Goryacheva became Deputy Speaker of the State Duma. Party representatives headed nine State Duma committees: on security (Viktor Ilyukhin); in economics (Yuriy Maslyukov); for Federation Affairs and Regional Policy (Leonid Ivanchenko); on legislation and judicial reform (Anatoly Lukyanov); on education and science (Ivan Melnikov); on tourism and sports (Alexander Sokolov); for Women, Family and Youth Affairs (Alevtina Aparina); Veterans Affairs (Valentin Varennikov); for the Affairs of Public Associations and Religious Organizations (Viktor Zorkaltsev), . Zyuganov was elected leader of the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and Kuptsov also became his deputy in the faction (as Profile magazine noted, at that time Kuptsov provided “financing of the party by representatives of big capital”).
After Zyuganov's defeat, the leaders of the parties and movements that supported him in the elections decided to unite in July 1996, creating the all-Russian public movement "People's Patriotic Union of Russia" (NPSR). In addition to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, it included the Agrarian Party of Russia, as well as a number of other movements, “several dozen” in total. In the press at that time, the reason for the emergence of the NPSR was called the desire of the communists to “change their image.” It was not ruled out that “Zyuganov will have to leave the political forefront.” However, this did not happen - he became the chairman of the NPSR Coordination Council, and Nikolai Ryzhkov was elected chairman of the executive committee. Also, the NPSR was controlled by five co-chairs - Aman Tuleyev, Stanislav Govorukhin, Alexander Rutskoi (People's Patriotic Movement "Derzhava"), Mikhail Lapshin (Agrarian Party of Russia) and Alexey Podberezkin (All-Russian socio-political movement "Spiritual Heritage") , , , , , .
In the gubernatorial elections of 1996-1997, which took place in 62 regions of the country, candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the NPSR won in 26 regions. In particular, Vasily Starodubtsev became the governor of the Tula region, and Krasnodar region headed by Nikolai Kondratenko. In another five regions, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation supported the current governors, who won , , . Subsequently, political scientists talked about the formation in the 1990s of the so-called “red belt” - a number of regions of the country where citizens showed stable support for the communists, not only in gubernatorial elections, but also in elections to local legislative bodies.
After the default of August 1998, Yeltsin wanted to appoint Viktor Chernomyrdin to replace the dismissed Prime Minister Sergei Kiriyenko, but the opposition factions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) and the Yabloko party in the State Duma voted twice against this appointment. Then the president nominated Yevgeny Primakov for the post of prime minister - as reported in the press, the only figure against whom the leaders of the “left” had no serious arguments. On September 11, the State Duma approved him in his new position for the first time, and members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Yuri Maslyukov and Gennady Khodyrev took the posts of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Antimonopoly Policy and Entrepreneurship Support, respectively, in his government. The magazine "Profile" at that time wrote about the alleged "leftward movement" of the executive branch.
In May 1999, State Duma deputies attempted to impeach President Yeltsin. According to media reports, the initiators of this action were communists Viktor Ilyukhin and Lev Rokhlin with the support of Zyuganov. However, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation suffered a double defeat. A few days before the vote, the president dismissed Primakov’s government, and then the impeachment failed, since none of the five charges against the head of state received the required 300 votes in parliament.
Before the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation in December 1999, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation planned to gather all its allies into one coalition, but “everyone quarreled.” As a result, the “widely advertised” bloc “For Victory”, which was headed by Zyuganov, in addition to the communists, was joined by only part of the Agrarian Party led by Nikolai Kharitonov, , , . As a result, the bloc was never formed, but its allies were included in the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - Tuleyev, Kharitonov, economist Sergei Glazyev. The first three positions on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were occupied by Zyuganov, Seleznev and Starodubtsev, ,.
On December 19, 1999, elections to the State Duma of the third convocation took place. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (its election headquarters was headed by Kuptsov) received the highest result in the country - 24.29 percent of the vote, but the pro-government Unity lost only one percent to the communists. Another 46 deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received seats in parliament based on voting results in single-mandate constituencies. Despite the high percentage result, the representation of communists in the Duma decreased, and as a result, the “left-patriotic forces” lost the “blocking package” , , , , , . The registered Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation included 95 deputies, another 23 official party nominees were included in the Agro-Industrial Deputy Group. Gennady Seleznev was again elected Chairman of the State Duma, and representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation also headed nine committees.
In the 1990s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation held many rallies, strikes and demonstrations. The press at that time wrote a lot about the all-Russian protest action on October 7, 1998, which was carried out by communists and trade union workers, demanding the resignation of President Boris Yeltsin and a change in government policy. The organizers of the strike claimed that about 12 million people took part in it, but the authorities did not confirm this data.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the 2000s
In the presidential elections in 2000, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was again represented by Gennady Zyuganov. His main opponent was Vladimir Putin, who became the country's acting president after Yeltsin's resignation at the end of December 1999. As Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote, Zyuganov’s program included an actual return to the “Soviet economic model”: he proposed transferring natural resources for use to the state, and dividing the income from their exploitation among citizens. In addition, in case of victory, Zyuganov intended to return the state monopoly on the production and sale of wine, vodka and tobacco products, the income from which was to become the main source of budget replenishment. Zyuganov also planned to carry out political reform - he was going to amend the constitution in order to form a government of a parliamentary majority. Putin, the media noted, did not have a political platform as such: the country’s leadership tried to impose on the voter the idea that there was no alternative to Putin. On March 26, 2000, the Russian presidential elections were held, as a result of which Zyuganov received 29.24 percent of the vote, taking second place. Vladimir Putin became president with 52.90 percent of the votes. Despite the loss of the communist leader, the voting results, according to analysts, confirmed his personal political stability and stable authority among the protest electorate.
In 2002, the head of the election campaign headquarters of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was replaced - instead of Kuptsov, he became Ivan Melnikov. In the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was headed by Zyuganov, Kondratenko and Kharitonov. It was later noted that the elections to the lower house of parliament, held on December 7, 2003, were a failure for the Communist Party: according to the official voting results, the majority of votes - 37.56 percent - were received by the United Russia party, while 12 were cast for the Communists ,61 percent of votes , , . In single-mandate constituencies, 12 candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected deputies. The communists, who carried out an alternative vote count with the help of their observers at various polling stations, accused the Central Election Commission of massive fraud. At the same time, the results of an alternative survey organized by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on the Fairplay.ru website indicated that “the main victims of the ‘administrative resource’ were not so much the communists themselves as the right-wing parties.” Further development conflict did not receive , , .
In the State Duma of the fourth convocation, the communists received 52 seats. In January 2004, when the distribution of positions within the chamber took place, all committees in the State Duma, without exception, were headed by representatives of United Russia. However, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation got the place of vice-speaker - Kuptsov took it, ,.
Until the early 2000s, successful performance of candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in gubernatorial elections continued. Thus, the press called the election of Gennady Khodyrev, the former first secretary of the Gorky Regional Committee of the CPSU, as the undoubted success of the communists in 2001. However, subsequently the press noted that already at that time the collapse of the “red belt” began - in the conditions of “the centralization of power and tax revenues that developed in Putin’s Russia” it became inevitable. In particular, political scientists noted that in the 2003 parliamentary elections, many communist governors, “being under pressure from the federal government, ... did not interfere, and in some cases simply helped” candidates from United Russia, because they sought to ensure their re-election for another term.
In 2003-2004, the press wrote about another conflict within the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In the spring of 2003, some media reported that the chairman of the executive committee of the NPSR, Semigin, “with the help of generous financial injections” into local and regional branches of the NPSR, began to win over the leaders of local organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The opinion was also expressed that his activities to split the party were beneficial to the Kremlin. In December 2003, at the congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Semigin's supporters tried to nominate him as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation in the upcoming elections. However, the majority of participants at the party congress supported the candidacy of Kharitonov, whose nomination was initiated by Zyuganov. On January 26, 2004, the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation demanded that the communists leave the NPSR, and the central control and audit commission recommended that Semigin be expelled from the party. On March 14, 2004, the Russian presidential elections took place. They were won by the incumbent President Putin, who received 71.31 percent of the votes, and Kharitonov took second place, gaining 13.69 percent of the votes.
After the elections, in May 2004, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued the fight against Semigin’s supporters. The latter “for schismatic activities” (formally - for violating the charter) was officially expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and from among the members of the party faction in the State Duma of the fourth convocation, , , . On July 1, 2004, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, led by Zyuganov, on the one hand, and some supporters of Semigin from the same Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, on the other, held two alternative party congresses, and the organizers of each of them called their meeting legitimate. At the second, “Semiginsky” congress, Ivanovo governor Vladimir Tikhonov was elected chairman of the party instead of Zyuganov. The plenum of Zyuganov’s supporters, in turn, unanimously removed from their posts the secretaries of the Central Committee who took part in the “pro-Semiginsky” plenum. Kommersant noted in July 2004 that the events that took place demonstrated a “real split” in the party, and that even if two communist parties were created, none of them “will ever be the same Communist Party of the Russian Federation that won elections in the mid-90s.” State Duma and almost defeated Boris Yeltsin in 1996."
In August of the same year, the Ministry of Justice declared the Tikhonov congress illegal, revealing “facts of falsification of the number of its delegates.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself noted that the fight against “Semiginism” and “attempts by the authorities to strangle the party” led to the fact that “if at the beginning of the work of the Duma of the fourth convocation there were 52 deputies in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction, then by the end of the term there were 46 people left in its ranks.” In October 2004, Semigin created the public movement "Patriots of Russia", which included some of his supporters who left the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In April 2005, a party of the same name was created on the basis of the movement (registered in July 2005).
In October 2005, the XI Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held, at which it was adopted new edition party charter (it was brought into line with the new electoral legislation). In addition, the charter introduced norms that were supposed to strengthen the party, including the revocation of the deputy mandate for leaving the faction and reinstatement in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation only a year after expulsion from the party. Much attention was paid to youth in the charter: primary organizations were allowed to create youth sections uniting members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation under the age of 30; it was emphasized that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation cooperates with the Communist Youth Union of the Russian Federation (in 2011 renamed the Leninist Communist Youth Union, LKSM), , .
Political scientists noted that in the 2000s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to “lose” its communist governors: some of them left the party, agreeing to cooperate with the authorities, others lost their posts, and in the communist press they condemned “representatives of the left forces” who “fall into power, go through stages of opportunism, political betrayal, ... ultimately join the ranks of the bourgeois managerial elite" , , . Thus, in 2003, the governor of the Krasnodar Territory, Alexander Tkachev, announced the suspension of his membership in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and then headed the regional list of United Russia in the State Duma elections. In February 2005, the governor of the Kursk region, Alexander Mikhailov, who won the gubernatorial elections with the support of the Communist Party in 2002, joined United Russia. If in the spring of 2005 the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had five governors, then a year later there were three left: Nikolai Vinogradov (Vladimir region), Nikolai Maksyuta ( Volgograd region) and Mikhail Mashkovtsev (Kamchatka region), .
In 2004, when Putin initiated the abandonment of direct elections of heads of federal subjects (the reforms were justified by the need to improve the state mechanism of the country, which was faced with the threat of international terrorism), deputies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction in the State Duma opposed the bill calling for the abolition of gubernatorial elections. However, the parliamentary majority ensured the passage of this law in the first reading. At the same time, the Russian Forbes later noted, not one of the “red governors” resigned in protest against the reform.
In October 2006, three parties - "Motherland" (People's Patriotic Union), the Russian Party of Life (RPZh) and the Russian Party of Pensioners (RPP) merged into one, called "A Just Russia: Motherland, Pensioners, Life". The media noted that in this way the authorities actually created an alternative to the communists - the party of the “new left” (that’s what the media called “A Just Russia”), and in the future it and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation acted as rivals in the fight for the “left” electorate , , , , .
In September 2007, the Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved the list of candidates from the party to participate in the elections to the State Duma of the fifth convocation. The list was headed by Zyuganov, the second and third on it were Nobel laureate Zhores Alferov and Nikolai Kharitonov, who headed the Agro-Industrial Union. In the elections held on December 2, 2007, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation successfully overcame the electoral threshold, gaining 11.57 percent of the votes of Russian voters and receiving 57 seats in the State Duma - significantly less than United Russia (315 seats), but more than the Liberal Democratic Party (40). seats) and "A Just Russia" (38 seats) , , , . Zyuganov once again became the chairman of the faction, and Ivan Melnikov was elected deputy speaker of the State Duma. The communists also headed two committees of the lower house: on industry (chaired by Yuri Maslyukov) and on national affairs (chaired by Valentin Kuptsov).
On December 15, 2007, at the extraordinary XII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Zyuganov’s party members nominated him for the third time as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. "Novye Izvestia" noted innovations in Zyuganov's election campaign: according to the newspaper, the communists decided to "work more closely with the Internet", focusing on "campaigning in blogs - personal diaries of party members." On December 26, 2007, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation registered Zyuganov as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. On March 2, 2008, presidential elections took place. They were won by First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government Dmitry Medvedev, who received 70.28 percent of the votes of Russian voters. Zyuganov received 17.72 percent of the votes and took second place in the elections.
In 2007-2008, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally lost all of its “red governors”: Mashkovtsev resigned, Maksyuta moved to United Russia, and Vinogradov suspended his membership in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
In November 2008, the XIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was held, at which a “qualitatively new” edition of the 1995 party program was adopted. Among the innovations, Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee Melnikov noted the emergence of a clearly defined assessment of the political regime that existed in the country, in which “citizens are alienated from participation in managing the affairs of society. The norms of even bourgeois democracy are being violated. Elections to government bodies are increasingly turning into a farce.” The program also touched upon the “Russian question” and mentioned “outright genocide of a great nation.” In addition, it was argued that as a result of the authorities’ policies, “a blow is being dealt to culture and language.” Also at the congress, the ideas of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were discussed regarding ways to overcome the consequences of the global financial crisis: the communists traditionally proposed to nationalize the main wealth of Russia, as well as introduce a strict system of state regulation in the energy sector, transport, and the military-industrial complex. In 2008-2009, members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation talked a lot about the need to change the role of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, proposing to transform it into the State Bank of Russia and with its help create “a state banking system for investing in basic sectors of the economy, science, and agriculture.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation also advocated the nationalization of industry banks.
In various elections to legislative assemblies of Russian regions in the late 2000s and early 2010s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation traditionally took second place, receiving 10-20 percent of the votes, and sometimes more. Thus, in the elections of March 2011, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received 28.8 percent of the votes in the Nizhny Novgorod region, and its representative became deputy chairman of the regional legislative assembly. The communists also won some mayoral elections: for example, in 2010, Viktor Kondrashov was elected mayor of Irkutsk with the support of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (who, however, joined United Russia in February 2011). The media called the elections to local authorities in a number of Russian regions on October 11, 2009, including the elections to the Moscow City Duma, scandalous. In almost all subjects of the federation, United Russia won a majority of votes, and in the Moscow City Duma the communists received only three seats out of 35. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party and A Just Russia announced massive falsifications, demanded a recount of votes and a meeting with Medvedev, and in protest in in full force left the State Duma hall. This demarche did not in any way affect the activities of the State Duma, since the number of United Russia deputies was sufficient to pass any laws. On October 21, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was the last to return to the State Duma meeting hall. On October 26, Medvedev met with representatives of the Duma factions. At this meeting, Zyuganov presented evidence of fraud in the last elections and demanded the resignation of the head of the Central Election Commission, Vladimir Churov. The next day it became known that in his new message to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, Medvedev would announce changes to the electoral legislation. The President, in particular, proposed unifying regional legislation relative to federal legislation, including by adopting a law so that parties that received more than 5 percent in the elections would necessarily receive representation in local parliaments.
In the 2000s, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation continued to actively organize protests and take part in rallies. In the mid-2000s, protests against the unpopular law on the monetization of benefits were particularly widespread in various regions of the country. Participants in these rallies demanded the resignation of the government and “sharply criticized” United Russia and President Putin. Party experts claimed that in 2008, 95 percent of protesters across the country took part in the All-Russian actions of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and in 2010, “78 percent of all participants in protest events took part in actions organized by the party.” In addition to protests, communists held rallies during the May holidays, as well as in November - in memory of the next anniversary of the October Revolution of 1917.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation since the beginning of the 2010s
At the beginning of the summer of 2011, in response to the creation of the "All-Russian Popular Front" by United Russia and its supporters, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation announced the formation new organization under the auspices of the party - "National Militia named after Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky." For the militia, the party members prepared a “program for bringing the country out of the crisis.”
Zyuganov headed the federal list of candidates for the State Duma of the sixth convocation from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the December 2011 elections. According to the voting results, the Communists gained 19.19 percent of the votes, receiving 92 deputy mandates. Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation announced large-scale election fraud, and intended to challenge their results in courts of various instances, from district courts to the Supreme Court. The communists took part in large-scale rallies “For Fair Elections” in December 2011 - February 2012 (which were collected in Moscow, according to different estimates, from 30 to 120 thousand people), however, the party leadership preferred to speak at its own independent protests, and Zyuganov in December 2011 even called one of the rallies “For Fair Elections” a harbinger of “orange leprosy” , , , , , .
In the renewed State Duma, Zyuganov again headed the Communist Party faction, Melnikov became the first deputy chairman of the State Duma. Members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed six committees: the Committee on Property Issues (chaired by Sergei Gavrilov), the Committee on Industry (Sergei Sobko), the Committee on Land Relations and Construction (Alexey Russkikh), the Committee on Defense (Vladimir Komoyedov), the Committee on Regional Policy and Problems North and Far East (Nikolai Kharitonov), as well as the Committee on natural resources, environmental management and ecology (Vladimir Kashin).
In the same month, at the XIV Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Zyuganov was nominated as a candidate for the next presidential elections, scheduled for March 4, 2012. On December 28, 2011, his candidacy was officially registered by the Central Election Commission. During the election campaign, Zyuganov was supported by the socio-political organization "Left Front", which actively took part in opposition rallies "For Fair Elections". On January 17, 2012, the Left Front signed an agreement with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on joint actions in the presidential elections. In accordance with this agreement, Zyuganov pledged, if elected, to implement the main demands of the protest movement - the release of political prisoners, reform of political legislation, judicial reform and early parliamentary elections. The coordinator of the organizational department of the Left Front, Sergei Udaltsov, was appointed Zyuganov's confidant and spoke on his behalf at debates on television. In the elections held on March 4, Zyuganov took second place, gaining about 17 percent of the vote, while Prime Minister Putin received almost 64 percent, which made it possible not to hold a second round of voting. Zyuganov did not recognize the election results.
Communist Party of the Russian Federation today: strength, regional structure, financing
Despite the fact that at the time of its founding the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was the most massive party in Russia, its numbers gradually decreased. In 1995, the party consisted of 550 thousand people, and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had branches in all subjects of the federation, excluding Chechnya. Eleven years later, in 2006, only 184 thousand people were registered as members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. At the same time, the communists stated the fact that the “natural decline” of party members (48 percent of whom were over 60 years old) amounted to 21 thousand people per year, and only 9.8 thousand new people joined per year. As of 2011, the number of the party was 154 thousand people, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had branches in 81 constituent entities of the federation, in addition, each of them had many local branches, 2308 in total.
In 2007, revenues for the implementation of the statutory activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation amounted to almost 528 million rubles. In the crisis year of 2008, the main source of financing for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was funds from the state budget: then they amounted to 206 million rubles. The party received another 66 million in donations from individuals and legal entities, and financial receipts from entrance and membership fees amounted to almost 52 million rubles. In total, taking into account receipts in the form of “other property” (except money), the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received almost 360 million rubles in 2008. In 2009, this amount increased to 379 million, and in 2010 - to 488 million.
The "main party newspaper" of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the newspaper "Pravda", the official journal of the party is "Political Education". Another publication close to the communists is Sovetskaya Rossiya, which, nevertheless, calls itself an “independent people's newspaper.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation also has many regional party publications; their number in 2009 was estimated at 87 units.
Used materials
Kirill Brainin. The final results of the presidential elections in Russia have been summed up - Vladimir Putin was elected in the first round. - First channel, 10.03.2012
Zyuganov does not recognize the results of the presidential elections. - ITAR-TASS, 04.03.2012
Russia-24: Debate Zyuganov (confidant Udaltsov) - Prokhorov (confidant Lyubimov). - , 02/25/2012
Foreigners are indignant: Medvedev admitted that Yeltsin did not win in 1996, but everyone is silent. - NEWSru.com, 24.02.2012
Udaltsov became a confidant of Russian presidential candidate Zyuganov. - RIA News, 22.02.2012
Kremlin: Medvedev did not claim that Yeltsin’s victory in the 1996 presidential election was rigged. - Gazeta.Ru, 21.02.2012
Evgenia Zharkova. Zyuganov and Mironov will not come to the rally “For Fair Elections.” - New Region, 03.02.2012
Alexey Gorbachev. Popular protest does not need party colors. - Independent newspaper, 23.01.2012
Elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation: criminal cases have been initiated. - BBC News, Russian service, 21.01.2012
Ruslan Thagushev, Alexey Bragin, Mikhail Surkov. Putin - no! Zyuganov - yes! - Communist Party of the Russian Federation (kprf.ru), 21.01.2012
G. Zyuganov teamed up with the Left Front before the presidential elections. - RBC, 17.01.2012
Tamara Ivanova. The leaders of four Duma parties have officially entered the presidential election campaign. - ITAR-TASS, 28.12.2011
Zyuganov, following Zhirinovsky, is registered as a presidential candidate. - Russian News Service, 28.12.2011
The rally against Sakharov failed to translate the number of people into the quality of ideas. - RIA News, 24.12.2011
Andrey Medvedev. Rally "For fair elections": organized and within the framework of the law. - Vesti.Ru, 24.12.2011
Zhukov and Melnikov were elected first vice-speakers of the Duma. - Interfax, 21.12.2011
Communist Ivan Melnikov has the second result after United Russia member Sergei Naryshkin in the election of Chairman of the State Duma. - Official website of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 21.12.2011
Four factions are registered in the State Duma of the sixth convocation. - RBC, 21.12.2011
Deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed 6 committees of the new State Duma. - RBC, 21.12.2011
Zyuganov will head the Communist Party faction in the new Duma. - RIA News, 19.12.2011
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation holds a rally "For fair elections." - Vesti.Ru, 18.12.2011
Zyuganov has been nominated for president. - Infox.ru, 17.12.2011
Zyuganov ran for president. - Gazeta.Ru, 17.12.2011
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party called the rallies on Bolotnaya “orange leprosy.” - RBC, 14.12.2011
The Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation announced the official results of the State Duma elections. - RBC, 09.12.2011
Communist Party of the Russian Federation about election fraud: Society will not leave it like that. - IA Rosbalt, 05.12.2011
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is preparing to challenge the election results in court. - BFM.ru, 05.12.2011
So who are you, Mr. Zyuganov? - ROIIVS "Rusichi", 09.11.2011
On registration of the federal list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma Federal Assembly Russian Federation of the sixth convocation, nominated by the Political Party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation". - Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation (www.cikrf.ru), 14.10.2011. - № 45/374-6
Small party on the left. - Gazeta.Ru, 23.08.2011
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation will present in Nizhny Novgorod created People's Militia. - RIA News, 15.07.2011
Zyuganov began to form a national militia in Nizhny Novgorod. - Interfax-Povolzhye, 15.07.2011
Alexander Kynev. Boycott utopia. - Gazeta.Ru, 13.07.2011
Stanislav Kuvaldin. Elections on the eve. - Expert, 21.03.2011. - № 11 (745)
Four mayors joined United Russia. - Days.ru, 25.02.2011
Ekaterina Vinokurova. United Russia was offended by the communist governor. - Gazeta.Ru, 08.02.2011
Anna Zakatnova. Forever Young. - Russian newspaper, 02/07/2011. - Federal issue No. 5400 (24)
N.V. Fokina. Results of 2010. Monitoring of protest activity. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation (kprf.ru), 12.01.2011
List of regional branches of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. - , 01/01/2011
Election Day: United Russia members celebrate victory, the rest are not complaining. - RIA News, 15.03.2010
Maxim Artemyev. Where did the Red Belt go? - Forbes.Ru, 21.01.2010
Arkady Lyubarev. How to improve elections. - Gazeta.Ru, 19.11.2009
Medvedev ordered the unification of regional electoral legislation following the example of the federal one. - NEWSru.com, 12.11.2009
Roman Badanin, Elizaveta Surnacheva, Ilya Azar, Maria Tsvetkova. Rough. - Gazeta.Ru, 27.10.2009
"Be smart conservatives." - Interfax, 27.10.2009
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation returned to the State Duma. - IA Rosbalt, 21.10.2009
As a sign of protest, three of the four factions left the meeting room of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. - IA REGNUM, 14.10.2009
S.E. Anikhovsky. Regional party press in the ideological, agitation and propaganda work of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (speech at the seminar). - , 07/19/2009
Give me a plan for anti-crisis measures of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation! Picket at the Central Bank in Moscow. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 15.04.2009
Consolidated financial report of the political party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation" (CPRF). - Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, 30.03.2009
G.A. Zyuganov in Interfax: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a real political force capable of leading the country out of a severe crisis. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 15.12.2008
Elina Bilevskaya, Victoria Kruchinina. Crisis in the service of the Communist Party. - Independent newspaper, 01.12.2008
Victor Khamraev. "The wind of history is blowing into our sails again." - Kommersant, 01.12.2008. - No. 218/P(4035)
XIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: The sixth term of Gennady Zyuganov. - Scylla (IEG Panorama), 01.12.2008
Sergei Reshulsky, deputy head of the Communist Party faction in the State Duma: “Only the voice of the communists constantly sounds in opposition to this stamping mechanism.” - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 28.06.2008
The Central Election Commission summed up the results of the presidential election. - Gazeta.Ru, 07.03.2008
The final results of the Russian presidential elections have been announced. - RBC, 07.03.2008
Victor Trushkov. "Pravda" about the anniversary of the party: Valentin Kuptsov recalls the events associated with the convening of the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 12.02.2008
Yulia Malysheva. The Communists were left without governors. - Sight, 14.01.2008
The Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation registered Zyuganov as a presidential candidate. - RIA News, 26.12.2007
Four factions are registered in the new State Duma. - RIA News, 24.12.2007
List of registered deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation. - Russian newspaper, 19.12.2007
Kira Vasilyeva. Is image nothing? - New news, 17.12.2007
Victor Khamraev. Gennady Zyuganov advanced to the second round. - Kommersant, 17.12.2007. - № 232(3808)
State Duma Deputy Valery Rashkin: Voters will vote for our candidate Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov. - Official website of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 16.12.2007
Results of the elections of deputies to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation. - Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation (vybory.izbirkom.ru), 08.12.2007
United Russia has weak spots on the ground. - Kommersant Daily, 04.12.2007. - 223
Daria Guseva. The third version of socialism. - News time, 24.09.2007
"Patriots of Russia". The composition of the federal troika has been announced. - RIA Elections, 24.09.2007
The list for the State Duma elections from the Socialist Revolutionaries will be headed by Mironov. - RIA News, 23.09.2007
The Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved the party's election list. - RIA Elections, 22.09.2007
Valery Lavsky, Polina Dobrolyubova. Nikolai Kharitonov turned out to be undesirable for agriculture. - Kommersant, 02.07.2007. - № 113(3689)
The Kamchatka governor resigned. - Newspaper (Gzt.ru), 23.05.2007
Alexey Pushkov: "A Just Russia" can compete with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party for second place in the 2007 elections. - Website of the party "A Just Russia", 28.02.2007
Andrey Sorokin. Heirs of the CPSU. - Alternatives, 06.11.2006. - №2
Anna Tkach. The goal is the triumph of justice. - Parliamentary newspaper, 30.10.2006. - №2029(1398)
Natalia Kharlamova. Nobody thought that the country's development would go like this. - Polit.ru, 26.09.2006
Semyon Goncharov. The Kremlin approved the Party of Life as the opposition. - KM.ru, 17.08.2006
"Dictatorship of conscience." Interview with N. Gubenko. - Soviet Russia, 17.08.2006
Mikhail Tulsky. DPR: history of the conflict. - Political News Agency, 02.08.2006
Dmitry Kamyshev. Twins again. - Kommersant-Vlast, 31.07.2006. - №30 (684)
Alla Barakhova, Viktor Khamraev, Yuri Chernega, Mikhail Fishman. "Motherland" was given new life. - Kommersant, 26.07.2006. - 135
The Russian Party of Life and the Rodina party decided to unite. - RIA News, 25.07.2006
Victor Anpilov. - Echo of Moscow, 11.07.2006
Tamara Zamyatina. "I'm tired of different stories!" - Moscow news, 06.07.2006
The plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will set the task of increasing the size of the party 3 times. - FORUM.msk, 17.06.2006
Results of the presidential elections - 2004 (Sun 14 March 2004). - Politics, electronic periodical, 25.04.2006
Agenda of the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation dated April 10, 2006. - Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 21.04.2006. - №7 (37)
Nadezhda Ivanitskaya. Governors are draft dodgers. - Vedomosti, 21.03.2006
Ekaterina Golovina. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation will play democracy. - News, 31.10.2005
Charter of the political party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation". - Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 29.10.2005
On February 13, 1993, the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation opened in a boarding house near Moscow. After almost a year and a half of ban, the congress announced the resumption of the activities of the party, which became known as the “Communist Party of the Russian Federation.” Already in March of the same year, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was officially registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation (registration certificate No. 1618).
At the congress, the Party's Program Statement was adopted and its Charter was approved. The resolutions of the congress “On the relationship of communists of Russia with the communist parties and movements of the former union republics”, “For the rights of communists and freedom of political opinions”, “On the property of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation”, “For the unity of actions of communists” became the basis for the restoration and creation of primary, regional , city, district, regional, regional and republican organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, mobilization of communists to fight the hated regime.
Public experience and many years of practice have shown: at each new stage of development, after the most difficult trials, the Russian communist movement not only revived, but was also fundamentally transformed. It preserved its main, “natural” features and was enriched with new features in tune with current times, and almost always clearly distinguished itself from the background of other social phenomena and structures.
Ups and downs, the ability to rise when hopes for revival seemed to have dried up - Russian communists experienced all this in a relatively short period. The collapse of the USSR, the collapse of the CPSU, the “wild” capitalization of the country: in these conditions, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation inevitably faced questions about the fate of the party, about the fate of the society in which it had to live and act.
Today, primary organizations operate in all regions and cities of Russia without exception. The network of local party organizations has been almost completely restored. City and district committees of the Communist Party exist in 1979 administrative units. Regional party organizations have been restored in all subjects of the federation, including all republics within Russia. The vertical structure of the party is reinforced by horizontal structures consisting of councils of secretaries of primary, district and city, as well as regional organizations.
During the period after the restoration of the party, its number increased to 547 thousand members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The party has more than 20,000 primary organizations, including 7,500 territorial-production organizations, 14,869 territorial-based organizations, 421 territorial-professional organizations, and 1,470 mixed primary organizations.
Over five years, 2 congresses, 4 party conferences, 23 Plenums, and 159 meetings of the Presidium were held. The Secretariat of the Central Committee, created by the decision of the IV Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, held 89 of its meetings.
At the fourth congress of the party, the Central Committee of the party was elected, consisting of 147 members and 38 candidates for members of the Central Committee. From among them, 14 permanent working commissions were formed. The Central Control and Audit Commission was elected in the amount of 33 people.
The strategy and tactics of the party's actions were developed at congresses and conferences, and fleshed out at Plenums, meetings of the Presidium and Secretariat of the Central Committee. The main directions of activity over the past five-year period were: organizational development and strengthening of the party, formation in mass consciousness its new appearance, strengthening the influence of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in various social strata and groups of the population, organizing a mass movement of workers to change the political and socio-economic course of the ruling regime, protecting the interests of working people, propaganda and mass agitation work, creating and developing its own information base, participation in elections.
The implementation of the party's political course was developed in resolutions, addresses and statements of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on various topical issues in the life of the country and the party, including the events in Chechnya, the attitude towards the current anti-people regime, in defense of workers and others.
Much attention was paid to organizational and personnel work, theoretical development of party building problems, preparation of instructions and methodological recommendations, generalization of the experience of regional committees of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, constant communication and assistance to party committees.
An important place in the party’s activities was occupied by ideological work, substantively aimed at political education of Russian citizens duped by the regime and counter-propaganda; political education of party activists; development of forms and methods of mass propaganda work; developing the party’s positions on issues of state building, national and regional politics. Much attention is paid to issues creative development theoretical thought in the party. On the initiative of the party, an organization of Russian scientists of socialist orientation was created. The magazines "IZM" and "Dialogue" are published.
In order to increase influence on labor collectives and trade unions, the tasks of uniting the still scattered working class and the strike movement are being solved. To expand influence on the women's movement, the All-Russian public organization "All-Russian Women's Union" was created in 1996, regional branches of which were created in all regions of Russia.
The constant concern of the party is to strengthen its influence on youth and attract young people to the party. And there is progress in this direction. So, over the past five years, about 70 thousand young people under 40 have been accepted into membership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
In the field of view of the party and its Central Committee are issues of the socio-economic situation of the country, the development of the general policy of the party and specific proposals for changing the economic course, implementing emergency measures of state control over the activities of commercial banks and other financial institutions, various funds, stimulating domestic producers , social improvement of the population.
One of the main activities of the party was participation in elections. Over the past five-year period, five national election campaigns took place in the country (State Duma elections in 1993 and 1995, presidential elections of the Russian Federation, gubernatorial elections in 1996-1997, elections of legislative bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in 1997), in which the Communist Party The Russian Federation acted as the main counterweight to the party in power and convincingly proved not only its political viability, but also its claims to power.
In 1993, 12.4% of active voters voted for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation party list; in 1995, 22.3% of voters already cast their votes for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In 1993, candidates of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won in 10 single-member constituencies, in 1995 - in 60 constituencies. In the presidential elections, our candidate G.A. Zyuganov received the trust of 40% of active voters (30.1 million Russians) in the second round.
In 1996-1997 elections of heads of executive power of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation were held in 62 regions. Candidates nominated or supported by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation-NPSR won in 26 regions, and in another 5 - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation supported the incumbent governors, who also won.
Legislative elections took place in 1997 in 31 regions. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation also significantly expanded its representation in local legislative bodies in all regions.
An important milestone in the life of the party was the creation in 1996 of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included the main opposition parties and movements of the country, but the core of which was the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Time has dispelled fears that the party would reduce its influence by joining the bloc. The creation of a bloc of leftist opposition forces made it possible to significantly increase pressure on the regime and achieve significant results in regional elections. The party only strengthened its authority among the patriotic opposition.
Politically important for the party is the work of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction in the State Duma. Since it is through it that the Communist Party implements its program provisions to defend the interests of working people and implements the pre-election orders of voters. The faction is the political mouthpiece of the entire party, the most stable channel of daily communication between communists and the population of all regions of Russia.
Much attention is paid to developing ties with fraternal communist parties in the CIS countries. Meetings with the leaders of fraternal parties in Armenia, Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine and others, and their participation in events held by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, have become a regular practice. Regular consultations are held on various issues and problems.
Contacts of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation with communist and socialist parties from far abroad have significantly intensified. Delegations of the Central Committee took part in the congresses of the Communist Parties of Vietnam, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Syria, Slovakia, Finland, France, Yugoslavia and others.
The financial, material and technical base of the party is being strengthened. In addition to revenues from membership fees, the party treasury is now replenished from donations from citizens and organizations. The party has a Central Committee building. New opportunities have opened up for the normal functioning of most regional party committees. Many city and district committees of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are improving their material and technical base. Many regional party committees now have full-time party workers, which makes it possible to Lately significantly improve the quality and level of organizational and political work.
The party lives, develops, and gains experience. Over the past five years, she has managed, in conditions of rabid anti-communism, persecution and defamation, to strengthen her authority and influence in Russian society. The party has a future!
