Military dictatorship in Chile – This is a period in the country's history from 1973 to 1990 when, as a result of a military coup with the support of the Central Intelligence Agency and far-right terrorist organizations, the legally elected socialist government of President Salvador Allende was overthrown, and a military junta led by General Augusto Pinochet took over the state.

In Latin American countries, the armed forces have historically had great influence and often acted as a force capable of taking power into their own hands to restore order in the country: hence the large number of military dictatorships. Chile was no exception.

Such a rapid transformation of General Augusto Pinochet, who was reputed to be a supporter of the constitution, into a military dictator is explained by the fact that the official constitutionalism of the Chilean armed forces was formal, covering up the deep ideologization of the military. In fact, the army had an extremely negative attitude towards “Marxists” and adhered to extreme right-wing views.

The overthrow of the socialist government of the Popular Unity bloc was motivated by the need to put an end to the growing chaos in the country in order to prevent civil war, and improving the economy. We can say that this formulation meant the desire to destroy the leftist movement and the radical leftist organization MIR, whose methods of struggle were not much different from terror. MIR (Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria – Spanish « Left Revolutionary Movement"), although nominally supporting the government, in reality sought to make a revolution, not believing in the peaceful path of building socialism declared by Allende.

Apparently, the difficult political and economic situation that made the putsch possible was created not so much by the actions of Popular Unity, but by the subversive activities of the United States of America against the socialists. In particular, opposition funds were sponsored mass media And fascist organizations, such as, for example, Patria y Libertad (Patria and Libertad – Spanish « Motherland and Freedom"), destabilizing the situation by carrying out large-scale terrorist acts. We should also not forget that since Allende’s victory in the presidential elections, i.e. Since 1970, the United States has declared an economic blockade on Chile.

The reactionary seizure of power by the military found support among large sections of the population. The policy of nationalization of banks and enterprises, including foreign ones, pursued by the Allende coalition government turned out to be unpopular among the masses. It was approved mainly by the workers and the poorest layer of society, but not by the middle class, to which, perhaps, the army also belonged.

These were the reasons for the emergence of mass discontent with the activities of the Popular Unity bloc and the emergence of numerous strikes and protests aimed at Popular Unity. However, to some extent, the mistakes of the authorities also contributed to its overthrow. As researcher N.A. notes Nikonov, Allende's democratically elected government was destroyed by an overambitious socialist program, an economic crisis and a strong political culture in which there was no room for compromise.

Already on the day of the coup (September 11), the 1925 constitution was repealed, and the National Congress of Chile was soon dissolved – the country's highest legislative body and a regime of military rule was introduced for an indefinite period. The state of siege continued for another month after the violent seizure of power. The generals put an end not only to National Unity, but to all political activity. They banned all political organizations and parties. Representatives of left-wing parties were persecuted.

The courts actually ceased to function, since all crimes came under the jurisdiction of military tribunals.

Four generals, each of whom represented separate genus troops, after the coup they formed the Government Junta of Chile, which was the highest body state power. Among these four was Captain General Augusto Pinochet. – one of the main leaders of the coup. Until the end of December 1974, the military junta concentrated all branches of government and military command. That same month, Pinochet declared himself president of Chile, thereby establishing an autocratic dictatorship.

Initially, it was assumed that the powers of the junta leaders were equal, and management was to be carried out collectively, and the generals agreed to head the body in turn. However, real power soon went exclusively to Pinochet. Already in June 1974, he was given the title of “Supreme Leader of the Nation,” thus effectively becoming the head of the executive branch, and legislative functions were left to the junta. Pinochet gradually removed members of the junta who were dissatisfied with his rise from power. He finally established himself as head of state as a result of the 1980 plebiscite.

The theoretical, legal and ideological foundations of the military regime are reflected in Decree-Law No. 1 and Order No. 5 of September 11, 1973, as well as in the “Declaration of Principles of the Government of Chile”, published in the newspaper Mercurio on March 13, 1974. The junta declared the following as national objectives: the need to combat “Marxism” and accelerate the socio-economic development of Chile. In this regard, a policy of anti-communism was pursued, and in the economic sphere the beginning of the neoliberal model was laid.

The political intelligence service DINA occupied a special place in the system of power. – National Reconnaissance Office. The secret police were in charge of concentration camps for political prisoners, as well as illegal detention and torture centers. With the adoption of Decree-Law No. 521, DINA finally turned into an organic part of the state mechanism of the junta, an instrument of a terrorist dictatorship. Its agents tracked down potential enemies of the regime who had fled abroad and eliminated them.

In the initial period of rule, the military regime was distinguished by its openly repressive nature, for which it was sharply criticized by the world community. Data on the regime's victims are contradictory. Official Truth and Reconciliation Commission statistics indicate that more than three thousand people were killed for political reasons during the military junta's rule, but it is clear that they do not reflect the full extent of the regime's crimes. For example, crimes committed in the first month after the coup were not investigated at all, although they were widespread and often indiscriminate. According to other information, about 40 thousand people were arrested and imprisoned, many were tortured. Throughout the reign of the junta, predominantly members of left-wing parties (communists, socialists) and “sympathizers” with them, as well as militants of the MIR group, were subjected to repression.

Until 1978, censorship reigned in the media; this year there was a partial easing. Perhaps this is due to the fact that the journalistic corps has been significantly updated by people loyal to the authorities. By the end of the 70s. Augusto Pinochet again allowed trade unions and political parties, albeit under control, and eventually even agreed to democratic elections. To participate in government affairs They brought in the civil administration, but also under the control of the military. This was probably explained by Pinochet’s desire to improve the discredited image of his country in the eyes of the world community.

Since the beginning of the 80s. there is a crisis military dictatorship and easing the regime. In 1980, the country adopted a new constitution. In accordance with it, Pinochet in 1988 had to raise the question of his continued tenure as president for the next 8 years. At the appointed time, the general held the promised plebiscite on the issue of maintaining the dictatorship and lost in it, which most likely came as a surprise to him.

One of the most controversial topics in historiography is the assessment of neoliberal economic policy carried out under the military junta regime. It has both its apologists and opponents. Pinochet completely entrusted the country's economy to the Chilean economists of the Chicago School of Economics and subsequently did not interfere with the reforms they carried out. During the years of the Government Junta, the idea of ​​the so-called “Chilean economic miracle” was popular in the world. According to supporters of the neoliberal economic model, Chile was actively developing during this period.

According to some researchers, on the contrary: there was actually no economic development in Chile under Pinochet. The economy fell significantly lower than under the government of Salvador Allende and led to catastrophic consequences for the socio-economic well-being of the population. In particular, it has increased social stratification, the unemployment rate increased, prices jumped sharply, inflation galloped; the absence of trade unions deprived workers of social protection. During the years of the “economic miracle,” the Chilean economy never returned to the level of development achieved under Allende.

In conclusion, assessing the state and legal structure of Chile during the junta period, we come to the conclusion that it was a kind of compromise between democracy and dictatorship. The political rights of citizens were limited, but at the same time there was freedom of economic relations.

Thus, we can say that, although Pinochet’s political regime was distinguished by some features inherent totalitarian state, especially in the first years of the junta, however, we define the state political and legal regime in Chile of this period as the transformation of totalitarian (1973-1980) into authoritarian (1980-1988).

In 1989, Chile transitioned to democracy, although still rather tentatively. Simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections were held, in which the opposition bloc “Coalition of Parties for Democracy” won, and a new president was elected, Patricio Aylwin, who took office in 1990. However, it is worth noting that Pinochet did not completely leave politics. He, being the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, still had great power until 1998 and was the de facto co-ruler, although his authority gradually declined.

Bibliography:

1. Bogush E.Yu. Political history of Chile of the 20th century. – M.: Higher. school, 2009. – 224 p.
2. Borovik G.A. The tragedy of Chile. Materials and documents. – M., Politizdat, Publishing House of the News Press Agency, 1974. – 296 p.
3. Lavretsky I.R. Salvador Allende. – M., 1974. – 288 p.
4. Nikonova N.A. The influence of US foreign policy on the process of establishing democracy in Chile in the second half of the 20th century. // Historical, philosophical, political and legal sciences, cultural studies and art history. Questions of theory and practice. – 2011. - No. 7. – P. 162-166.
5. Sergeev F.M. Pinochet's Gestapo. – M.: Sov. Russia, 1987. – 128 p.
6. Shevelev V.N. Dictators and gods. – Rostov n/d.: Phoenix publishing house, 1999. – 320 p.

In the first month of General Pinochet's dictatorship alone, over 30 thousand people were killed

In 1969, Chile's political parties formed the Popular Unity bloc, whose candidate, communist Salvador Allende, won the 1970 presidential election.

Demonstration in support of Allende. On the far right is the famous Chilean musician, actor and singer Victor Jara.

The Allende government immediately nationalized enterprises owned by US companies and announced a course towards building socialism along the Soviet model. As a result, on September 11, 1973, in the capital of Chile, Santiago, a military coup was carried out by the army, as a result of which President Salvador Allende and the Government of Popular Unity were overthrown. Allende himself died during the storming of the presidential palace.

The presidential palace of La Moneda was tightly surrounded by the military.

Shelling of the presidential palace by putschists.

Salvador Allende a few minutes before his death.

The body of Salvador Allende is taken out of the presidential palace.

A military dictatorship led by General Augusto Pinochet came to power in the country: all political parties that were part of the socialist bloc were banned, and their members were subjected to severe repression, and the constitution was revoked.

During the month of the “state of siege” introduced to carry out the coup, over 30 thousand people were killed.

Another 12.5 thousand died during the years of dictatorship under torture, died in prisons, and were shot on the street.

In Chile they began to burn books and shoot writers.

In all Chilean cities there were mass arrests of government employees, supporters of the ousted president, journalists, members of left-wing parties and trade union organizations, as well as simply “suspicious” people.

The infamous National Stadium in Santiago, turned into a concentration camp by the junta, can accommodate 80 thousand people. In the first month, the number of people arrested at the stadium averaged 12–15 thousand people per day. Adjacent to the stadium is a velodrome with stands for 5 thousand seats. The velodrome was the main site of torture, interrogation and execution. Every day, according to numerous witness statements, from 50 to 250 people were shot there.

Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"

In addition, the Chile stadium, which could accommodate 5 thousand spectators, was turned into a concentration camp, but up to 6 thousand people were arrested there. At the Chile stadium, according to survivors, the torture was especially monstrous and turned into medieval executions. A group of Bolivian scientists who found themselves at the Chile stadium and miraculously survived, testified that they saw headless human bodies, quartered corpses, corpses with ripped open bellies and chests, and corpses of women with cut off breasts in the locker room and in the stadium's first aid station. The military did not risk sending the corpses to morgues in this form - they transported them in refrigerators to the port of Valparaiso and dumped them into the sea there.

American journalist John Barnes reported in Newsweek in October 1973 that the Santiago Central Morgue alone received 2,796 “unidentified” violent corpses in the first 14 days after the coup, mostly from the National Stadium.

Cemetery workers told Barnes that the corpses of those executed were loaded into helicopters and dumped into the sea. The same Barnes told how in the poblacion (poor people's quarter) of Jose Maria Caro, soldiers shot 10 students in front of the school building.

The Parisian Le Monde reported on September 17 that French diplomats had observed the day before, on the 16th, how the carabinieri loaded trucks with the bodies of those killed the previous night. Another diplomat saw soldiers hastily burying the bodies of the dead (a whole truckload) in a huge hole. A third said that in the Emida neighborhood where he lived, the military killed 400 people. The Miami Herald, which is not at all left-wing or even liberal, published on September 25, 1997, the testimony of the American married couple Patricia and Adam Guerret-Shesh, who spent several days at the National Stadium. The couple said that during these days the military shot from 400 to 500 prisoners “in groups of 10–30 people.”

The General Secretary of the International Movement of Catholic Lawyers, Leopold Torres Bourso, the General Secretary of the International Federation of Human Rights, Michel Blum, and the General Secretary of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, Joe Norman, published a joint statement after a week-long trip to Chile, saying that massive violations of human rights in Chile “ are approaching genocide as defined in the UN convention.”

Municipal employees Humberto Gonzalez and others testified that on the night of September 11-12, in the Pinguino quarter, in the area of ​​​​the Carabinieri barracks, over 300 people were shot with machine guns - mostly workers of the Komandari factory, including many women. According to Esteban Carvajal, who was arrested along with four other people only because the soldiers confused the entrance to their house with the entrance to the district committee of the Socialist Party, at least 120 people were beaten to death in the barracks of the Tacna regiment in the first three days of the coup. An employee of the Chilean airline LAN, Julio Peña, who visited the Chile stadium, testified that in the hall at the exit to the football field he saw three columns of naked human bodies, laid in rows of four, crosswise on top of each other. Each column had from 8 to 10 layers. The soldiers called these columns of corpses “sandwiches.”

Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"

Among those killed by the putschists at the National Stadium in Santiago was the famous Chilean poet, theater director, singer, dancer, and political activist Victor Jara.

Victor Jara was among those arrested at the National Stadium. Seeing what was happening at the stadium, the singer picked up the guitar and began to sing. The soldiers threw the musician to the ground and tore the guitar out of his hands.

During four days Victor Khara was beaten, tortured with electric shocks, and his hands were broken. Then the guitarist’s hands were cut off, then his head was broken. 34 bullets were fired into his body. The dead singer was hanged next to his guitar. Right at the stadium. He was 40 years old.

Victor Jara became a symbol of the struggle against the Pinochet regime.

Dozens of corpses floated down the Mapocho River, which flows through Santiago, every day. Sometimes there were so many of them that the water in the river turned red, which was recorded by photography and filming. The military forbade fishing for corpses, except in cases where the bodies washed ashore. People, as Newsweek magazine reported on October 1, 1973, turned away from the river, trying to pretend that they did not see the corpses. Time on October 23 quoted three lawyers, members of the UN Commission on the Rights of Refugees: “All the days that our commission was in Chile, until the eve of our departure, corpses were removed from the Mapocho River. In addition, corpses were brought in huge quantities to the morgue or left to decompose where people were killed, in order to enhance the effect of terror.” The architect Maria Elena, who herself went through torture and beatings only because a Soviet silver ruble was discovered in her coin collection, even at the end of December 1973, that is, two and a half months after the “normalization”, witnessed how On the Costanera embankment near the Lastarria Lyceum, 13 bags washed up on the Mapocho shore. When the assembled schoolchildren opened the bags, they found headless corpses inside.

Things were even worse in the provinces. In Valparaiso, naval sailors simply fired indiscriminately from large-caliber machine guns at neighborhoods in the area of ​​the Baron railway station and on Avenida España, without interest political views those who fell under bullets.

Those arrested were taken to prisons, then barracks, schools, a women's lyceum on Barros Luco Street, and finally the ships Lebu and Maipo were converted into prisons. Thousands were arrested, hundreds died under torture, and of those who ended up on the ships, almost none returned - their corpses were thrown into the sea.

According to eyewitnesses, the training ship Esmeralda was also turned into a prison, where torture was carried out by officers from Brazil who arrived with their equipment. The Maipo ship housed 800 prisoners permanently - and every day 10-15 people were shot.

In Concepción, in the university quarter, over 80 people were killed on the first day. In the small town of Los Angeles (Bio-Bio province) on September 11, local fascists seized power, who began with the public execution in the central square of 12 city leaders of the United Trade Union Center of Chile. In general, in the province of Bio-Bio, over 90 people were shot (mostly not even by the military, but by local fascists and latifundists) in the first week. In the province of Cautin, the latifundists simply organized a hunt for peasants - Mapuche Indians. Armed landowners took the arrested peasants to the field, released them, and then chased them in cars like hares. Those Indians who were not killed, but wounded, were handed over to the carabinieri. Several local priests who protested against such a “hunt” were also handed over to the Carabinieri. The city of Puerto Montt was captured by Air Force General Sergio Lee, brother of junta member Gustavo Lee. The city was captured according to the rules of military art - like an enemy stronghold. And although no one offered resistance to the military, about 60 people died during the capture of the city - residents of working-class villages, including several children.

It must be borne in mind that many of those detained in the first month of the coup were killed for completely random reasons. At the National Stadium, soldiers systematically killed those who had gone mad, and also finished off unsuccessful suicides (many in the stadium tried to commit suicide by throwing themselves from the upper stands). At Chile Stadium, several women were shot for wearing trousers, and men for wearing trousers. long hair(among them was a group of foreign hippies). Mexican journalist Patricia Bastidos told how she saw a man shot dead at the National Stadium just because he was having an epileptic attack. At the same time, the military understood well what they were doing. It is no coincidence that officers used nicknames instead of names: for example, at the National Stadium - Lev-1, Lev-2, 3, 4, or Eagle-1, 2, 3, 4...

Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"

With the announcement of “normalization,” “military operations” against civilians did not stop. When, at the end of 1973, General Pinochet visited the village of Quinta Bella to attend the ceremony of renaming the village to Buin (in honor of the regiment of the same name), this was preceded by an act of intimidation: the military drove all 5 thousand residents of the village to the football field, and selected 200 of them , of which 30 were shot, and the rest were declared hostages. On the night before Pinochet's visit, soldiers constantly shelled the village. Several dozen people were injured. Later, Chilean television showed Pinochet's arrival in Quinta Bellew and women sobbing around him and explained that the women were crying out of tenderness and gratitude to the general for “freeing them from Marxism.” Although they cried, it was not at all because of this.

Having taken the helm, Pinochet in the summer of 1974 adopted the law “On the legal status of the government junta,” in which General Pinochet was proclaimed the supreme bearer of power.

Pinochet declared communists and socialists his main enemy and dealt with them with all cruelty.

For this purpose, military tribunals were established in the country and torture centers and concentration camps were organized. To carry out repressive measures, a national intelligence agency was created with an extensive network of agents, and literally six months later it grew into the Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA). The main task of the employees (and there were about 15 thousand of them) was to search and destroy supporters of Allende’s views who emigrated from the country.

In the first two years under Pinochet, 110 thousand people were arrested and sent to prisons and camps for political reasons.

492 thousand people passed through prisons in Chile under Pinochet. In total, 27.1% of the population went through prisons and camps.

Although Pinochet and the junta constantly proclaimed themselves “defenders of Christian values” and emphasized their devout Catholicism, thousands of believers were subjected to repression under the military regime.

Four Catholic priests from Belgium were subjected to torture and abuse at the National Stadium, arrested for trying to stop soldiers beating children in a poor neighborhood.

In the mountain villages around Valparaiso, local priests tried to intercede for their parishioners and protested against mass arrests. For this they themselves were arrested, and their churches were destroyed and looted by the military.

Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"

In total, at least 60 Catholic priests and monks were arrested in Chile in the first month of the coup. Of these, at least 12 people were killed or “disappeared.”

Fascist parties were Pinochet's only civil ally - and it was these parties that continued to be active in the country, despite the junta's official ban on the activities of political parties. It was the fascists who were entrusted with the “ideological justification” of the regime, they were the “ideological commissars” of the junta in universities, etc. Very soon glorification of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco became the norm.

Under Pinochet, Chile became a hotbed of fascist propaganda throughout the Spanish-speaking world. Mussolini's "Doctrine of Fascism" in Spanish was published in Chile in 6 million copies.

In the late 70s, Nazi war criminals fugitives from justice came to Chile from all over the world. Former SS men served as consultants, experts, and sometimes managers in the concentration camps created by the junta in Chacabuco, on the island of Doson, on Tierra del Fuego, etc. Among them were celebrities - for example, the inventor of the “gas chamber” V. Rauch.

One of the political prison camps in Chile.

During the “capture” of La Serena, the fascists and soldiers of the Stark Corps scrawled the entire city with the slogans “Death to Marxists, intellectuals and Jews!”

Leading Chilean playwright Maria Requena was subjected to torture, one of which was, to put it mildly, peculiar: a woman was deprived of food and water for two days, and then she was offered to drink... pig's blood. “You Jewish pig! - the officers shouted. - Why don’t you drink your blood, pig’s? Are you used to Christian?”

The junta changed not only the intellectual climate in the country, but also the moral one. Denunciations were encouraged. The informer received a bonus of one and a half million escudos and all the property of the person he denounced. Hundreds and thousands of relatives and neighbors who were in a quarrel denounced each other. The city of Chuquicamata became notorious as the “cradle of informers”: there, teenagers from wealthy families raced to denounce their own parents in order to get their property and quickly squander it. We had one Pavlik Morozov, in little Chuquicamata there were 90 of them!

But Pinochet acquired many ardent admirers: those who made a considerable fortune for themselves through denunciations. Today these people are afraid that if Pinochet is convicted, then they will begin to try other officers for war crimes, and then, lo and behold, they will get to the informers.

When Pinochet refused to consider the “National Agreement for the Transition to Democracy” in 1986, the opposition movement began to grow: a wave of strikes swept across the dictator and an armed attack was carried out. Pinochet miraculously survived, but five of his bodyguards died. This circumstance increased hatred of democracy: “Those who talk about human rights will be expelled from the country or sent to jail” - this was the verdict of the “overlord.”

In 1988, Pinochet was again named the country's only presidential candidate and a referendum was announced. But the results of the plebiscite were not what Pinochet expected. In the referendum, the majority of Chileans supported the return of civilian government.

Speaking on radio and television, Pinochet assessed the voting results as “a mistake by the Chileans.”

Chileans demanded an investigation into the crimes committed by the Pinochet junta.

History puts everything in its place.

In October 1998, Pinochet was accused of state crimes by Spain: during the years of dictatorship, hundreds of Spaniards were killed or disappeared without a trace in Chile. Spain demanded the former dictator's extradition, but since Pinochet was a senator for life of Chile, he was subject to immunity laws. Pinochet was put under house arrest five times, but was released due to health reasons and “insufficient” evidence.

Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"

In 2000, the Chilean Supreme Court stripped Pinochet of his immunity. The dictator was accused of committing crimes in more than 100 cases related to murders, kidnappings and torture of people. In 2004, a trial began for complicity in the murder of the commander of the ground forces, General Carlos Prats, and members of the Revolutionary Left Movement. Pinochet was accused of 36 cases of kidnapping, 23 cases of torture, murder, drug trafficking, arms trafficking and tax evasion, corruption.

Cemetery in Santiago, where executed Allende supporters were buried in anonymous mass graves.

On December 10, 2006, after suffering a heart attack, Augusto Pinochet died in a Santiago hospital. He bequeathed his body to be cremated, since he knew that the grave would certainly be desecrated.

Alexander Tarasov.

Poet Victor Jara, killed by Pinochet's putschists

The country's president, Salvador Allende, a socialist, romantic and intellectual, refused to surrender to the putschists and did not let go of his machine gun until the last bullet, defending the country, the Constitution, and democracy. There are different versions about his death: he was killed, he committed suicide. But Allende showed the whole world that in Latin America there are not only presidents - drug traffickers, corrupt officials and American puppets. There are presidents who sacrifice their lives for their country and their people.
General Augusto Pinochet, who came to power using military bayonets and American dollars, established a repressive regime in the country, which went down in history as the “Chilean terror.” More than 3 thousand people became victims of repression, torture, and massacres in stadiums. More than 40 thousand (out of 10 million people of the then population of the country, that is, for today's Russia this number would be 1 million) went through arrests and torture. Including the current president of the country, Michelle Bachelet.

Rebels, supporters of Allende after the coup

Considering that several years ago the country's President Michelle Bachelet began active efforts to bring to justice those responsible for the bloody crimes of the Pinochet regime, it is possible that these elders are discussing problems of their own security. Just in 2016 (2016!), the Chilean Supreme Court ordered the State of Chile to pay damages to the families of four people who disappeared during the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. total amount The compensation is about $1.3 million, La Jornada reported, citing the country's judicial authorities. The Supreme Court of Chile made this decision after finding that the disappearance and violent death at the hands of dictatorship figures are “crimes against humanity, as a result of which they have no statute of limitations and are not subject to amnesty.”

It was only in 2015 that Michelle Bachelet launched a campaign under the motto “Stop Silence!”, during which the killers of the cult singer Victor Jara were brought to justice.
Let us remind those who were born much later than the Chilean events. Victor Hara - poet, theater director, singer, member Communist Party Chile - was killed by putschists during a military coup in 1973. The brutal murder was carried out at a stadium in Santiago, converted into a concentration camp, a few days after the military junta came to power. For four days he was beaten, tortured with electric shocks, and his hands were broken. Then Victor Jara's hands were cut off. 34 bullets were fired into his body. The dead singer was hanged next to his guitar.
Almost forty years after the murder and 35 years after the fall of the dictatorship, on the instructions of Michelle Bachelet, an investigation began into the true circumstances of the death of the Chilean writer and poet, diplomat, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Chile Pablo Neruda. Before official reason death was considered to be cancer. Now experts are expressing doubts about the nature

However, it is possible that Pinochet’s associates do not think about their own safety at all and continue to lead a calm, measured life. Close to his victims. After all, the majority of those involved in the bloody “Chilean terror” still feel quite comfortable.

Wall with photographs of victims of the Pinochet regime in the Museum of Memory and Human Rights in Chile

Chilean society is still split in half based on its attitude towards the personality of Pinochet and what happened during the dictatorship. Pinochet is credited with the “Chilean economic miracle,” which helped bring the country out of the crisis.
(note about the mythology of the miracle


see Steve Kangas - About Chilean economic miracle” (polemical notes) http://www.tiwy.com/sociedad/2000/economicheskoe_chudo/ and "The Chilean Economic Monster" http://www.kommersant.ru/doc/731005)

Note, however, that the main creator of the miracle was not Pinochet’s economists, but generous investments from the United States and other countries. European countries. The coming of socialists to power in Chile, together with socialist Cuba, could seriously change processes in the region, strengthen the role of the USSR, and official Washington could not allow such a scenario to develop.

In September 1973, the media reported that sailors were severely beaten Soviet ships who were present during the days of the coup in Chile. Hatred towards socialism and the USSR was poured out on innocent people. And not only the Chileans. And to strengthen Pinochet’s positions, dollars flowed into the country like a river. Housing construction began, the strengthening of agriculture, and the opening of folk restaurants.

Bloody "skill" German Nazis, who found shelter after the war in Chile, was in demand in the torture chambers of the Chilean dictatorship. Let us also recall the role of the notorious Colonia Dignidad, created by Nazi criminals who escaped from Germany and during the reign of Pinochet, which turned into a concentration camp where they not only tortured, killed, but also raped children. And both sexes. History repeated itself, but on a different continent.

The best Soviet play dedicated to the events of the dictatorship in Chile, created by Genrikh Borovik, “Interview in Buenos Aires” says a lot: about the responsibility of journalists - those who opposed “Popular Unity”, and then themselves became victims of the dictatorship.

The phrase “Carlos Blanco is silent” became a household word after the premiere of “Interview in Buenos Aires,” because the silence of a journalist can also become evidence of refusal to participate in evil, a kind of resistance. The play also says a lot about the psychology of the shopkeeper - the basis of any fascist regime.

It has not been eliminated in Chile. And not only there. And that the desire for freedom and justice, which becomes a reality only in struggle, is an integral feature of the best representatives of Latin American societies.

The story of the “Chilean terror” will not end for Chile until the last executioner who tortured in stadiums and participated in the “Caravan of Death” is punished. Even if it was in absentia, if he had already passed away peacefully. While every year on Pinochet’s birthday, some deputies and politicians of the country, and there are quite a few of them, will hold ceremonies in memory of the bloody dictator and minutes of silence in his honor in the Chilean parliament building. Only a united people can defeat this evil. For "El pueblo unido jamás será vencido”!

Monument to Salvador Allende in Santiago, Chile

After the military coup September 11, 1973., committed with the help of the CIA, the military junta dissolved the National Congress (parliament) and local authorities (municipalities), civil democratic freedoms were abolished, political parties that were part of the National Unity bloc were banned, the activities of other parties were suspended, and the United Trade Union Center of Workers was dissolved ( KUT), a state of siege was introduced, terror was unleashed for political reasons.

For the state-political structure of Chile 1973-1989. characterized by a strong personalization of power in the person of the key central figure, General Pinochet. In December 1974, he was appointed President of Chile.

Pinochet eliminated competitors and introduced the irremovability of his post as commander-in-chief of the army. None of the political, military and economic groupings of the ruling bloc had full power, so Pinochet became a kind of arbiter standing over them. In the 1978 referendum, 75% of voters expressed their agreement with the power of the military, and the Pinochet regime began to seem legitimate. The peculiarity of the formation of state-legal forms of Chile under the Pinochet regime was that they were created and evolved not before, but after economic changes.

Another feature is the gradual institutionalization of the regime: in the period 1974-1979. were accepted legislative acts, reflecting the evolution from a repressive dictatorship to a stable authoritarianism that allows, albeit limited, the existence of representative institutions.

Under the name “protected democracy” without pluralism and political parties, this was enshrined in the new constitution of 1980. The military elite, which became close to the new right, developed an economic strategy designed for the long term.

Its goal is to create a model of a free market economy. The neoliberal model of stabilization and modernization of the Chilean economy assumed free private initiative and private entrepreneurship in the production and financial spheres as the basis of economic prosperity; increasing the competitiveness of the national Chilean economy in the world market; rejection of protectionism; creating optimally favorable conditions for attracting and operating foreign capital on the basis of direct investment and granting the private sector the right to receive external loans; reducing direct government intervention in the economy; deduction upper strata“surplus” in favor of the low-income and relieving social tension.
The beginning of stabilization occurred in conditions of hyperinflation, balance of payments deficit, and unfavorable foreign economic conditions.

But no one wanted to retreat, it was decided to achieve stabilization at any cost, specifically with the help of “shock therapy” recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “Shock therapy” meant the cessation of government financing of unprofitable enterprises, a sharp decrease in real wages, minimizing public demand, halving public investment, expanding privatization.

With the help of privatization, it was supposed to increase the efficiency of national production and modernize it, as well as support the national currency and make regular payments to repay the external debt. Privatization, which became the cornerstone of the neoliberal course, took place in the 70s. in two forms: reprivatization and sale of state property to private individuals. The famous copper mines, nationalized at one time by Popular Unity, formally continued to remain state-owned, but large compensation was paid for their nationalization, and the management of the mines and their operation were transferred to the hands of transnational corporations, which also strengthened control over the sale of copper, the supply of equipment and spare parts.

As a result, by 1983, copper production increased by 70%, and the number of employees decreased by one third. Some of the copper mines were bought up by American capital. Thus, the role of the public sector has changed from a primary one to a supporting one. By the beginning of 1977, the privatization of state property was largely completed. And although Chile imported military equipment and equipment, the local military-industrial complex itself was engaged in the production and export of weapons.

This initiative, with the support of NATO and the United States, brought Chile to third place in Latin America (after Brazil and Argentina) in arms exports and military equipment. Refusing to recognize the legitimacy of the agrarian reforms of the CDA and Popular Unity governments, the Pinochet regime returned 2.8 million hectares of land to the previous owners, more than one third of the peasants who received land before the military coup of 1973, they went bankrupt. The development of agriculture was based on the principle of “comparative advantage,” which meant the preferential production of goods for which Chile had optimal climatic conditions compared to other countries.

The export production of fruits (apples, strawberries, grapes, kiwi - by 600%), wines, fish products, wood products expanded, which made Chile a world exporter of these products. market. Customs tariffs were reduced. This immediately led to an increase in the flow of imported goods, a significant part of which were consumer durables, electronic equipment, and fashionable clothing.

The share of imports in domestic consumption has doubled. The neoliberal model specifically provided for the introduction into the mass psychology of Chileans of the ideals and standards of a highly developed Western consumer society.

However, the lifestyle in the best European and North American traditions, available to the Chilean elite, was beyond the means of the middle strata and especially the lower categories of society.

So the expansion of the consumer market did not at all mean an expansion of the opportunity to use its services for the majority of the country’s population. The most important principle of an open economy is the encouragement of foreign capital. The Law “On the Foreign Investment Regime” (1974) lifted all restrictions on the export of profits from the country. This sharply increased interest in the Chilean economy from foreign public, private and international capital.

Moreover, the interest of foreign investors in the Chilean manufacturing industry was small (only 6.4% of total investments), but banking became a profitable area for investing foreign capital: by 1980, the development of the free market economy of Chile led to changes in social structure: the number of hired workers in industry and agriculture has decreased.

The collapse of the public sector manufacturing industry caused the marginalization of wage workers.

At the same time, democratic values ​​were considered secondary to personal success. Due to the terror and repression of the initial period of the dictatorship, which had a great psychological effect, a phenomenon arose - a “culture of fear”, which meant people’s distrust of each other, fear of communication, silence, apathy, emigration , loneliness.

Nevertheless, reforms in Chile have forced people to talk about the Chilean “economic miracle.” The crisis of 1981-1983, which affected all sectors of the Chilean economy, stopped the first stage economic reforms Pinochet. National income decreased, unemployment reached 35% of the economically active population, and the country's financial system was on the verge of collapse. It became clear that for the progressive successful development of the Chilean economy, a return to a purely monetarist model and a course towards an “open” market economy needs adjustment.

The second stage of Pinochet's reforms begins (1982-1989). The emergence of a more flexible “reasonable monetarism” is associated with the name of the Minister of Finance of Chile E. Bihi. To combat the crisis, the Chilean government decided to continue privatization, provide subsidies to the private sector and use methods of direct government intervention in the economy.

At the second stage of privatization, state-owned enterprises in the mining, copper and steel industries, communications systems were transferred into private hands, and technological modernization of the privatized industries was carried out. At the same time, the so-called transnationalization of new Chilean elite economic groups took place, i.e. joint control of Chilean and transnational owners over privatized enterprises was established.
Results of anti-crisis measures of the 80s.

were impressive: inflation dropped to the world average - 9-15%, unemployment dropped to 6%, it was possible to pay off $2 billion in foreign debt. The Chilean economy was recognized as the most “healthy”, “dynamic” and “exemplary” among the countries of Latin America . Pinochet's activities are subject to widespread criticism. The threat of isolation of the dictator appears on the horizon, and he sets a course for gradual political liberalization: he allows the activities of parties loyal to the dictatorship.
By the mid-80s.

in the opposition there are two poles of attraction: one - around the People's Democratic Movement led by the Communist Party (they recognized any form of struggle, up to an armed uprising), the other, moderate, - around the Christian Democratic Party (for a gradual path of civil disobedience).

Pinochet was firmly convinced that the differences and disagreements within the ranks of the opposition were practically insurmountable and, therefore, they did not pose a serious threat. However, in 1985, all opposition parties managed to develop and sign the document “National Consent on the Transition to Full Democracy.” It contained demands for the legalization of political parties, amnesty, the return of emigrants, and most importantly, the holding of free presidential and parliamentary elections.

As part of national days of protest, the left wing of the opposition used violent forms of struggle, and since 1986 it has relied entirely on an armed uprising. The discovery of weapons caches and the failed assassination attempt on Pinochet again prompted a state of emergency and discredited the idea of ​​an armed uprising.

The merit of the right-wing and centrist opposition figures was that they were able to isolate the Marxist parties and form a broad political consensus. In December 1989, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party won the presidential elections Patricio Aylwin, born March 11, 1990

Pinochet handed over power.

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Pinochet dictatorship in Chile (1973-1989)

After the military coup on September 11, 1973, carried out with the help of the CIA, the military junta dissolved the National Congress (parliament) and local authorities (municipalities), civil democratic freedoms were abolished, political parties that were part of the Popular Unity bloc were banned, and the activities of the rest were suspended parties, the United Trade Union Center of Workers (KUT) was dissolved, a state of siege was introduced, terror was unleashed for political reasons.

For the state-political structure of Chile 1973-1989. characterized by a strong personalization of power in the person of the key central figure, General Pinochet. In December 1974, he was appointed President of Chile. Pinochet eliminated his competitors, introduced the irremovability of his post as commander-in-chief of the army, and established his direct control over the political secret police DINA.

None of the political, military and economic groupings of the ruling bloc had full power, so Pinochet became a kind of arbiter standing over them. In the 1978 referendum, 75% of voters expressed their agreement with the power of the military, and the Pinochet regime began to seem legitimate.

The peculiarity of the formation of state-legal forms of Chile under the Pinochet regime was that they were created and evolved not before, but after economic changes. Another feature is the gradual institutionalization of the regime: in the period 1974-1979. Legislative acts were adopted that reflected the evolution from a repressive dictatorship to a stable authoritarianism that allowed, albeit limited, the existence of representative institutions.

Under the name “protected democracy” without pluralism and political parties, this was enshrined in the new constitution of 1980. The basis for such political success was the economic success of the “Chicago neoliberal model”, the defeat of the opposition movement, and the conformism of society.
The military elite, which became close to the new right, developed an economic strategy designed for the long term.

Pinochet regime in Chile

Its goal is to create a model of a free market economy. Young doctors of economic sciences who studied at the University of Chicago, followers of M. Friedman, became economic advisers in government institutions, ministries and banks. The military guaranteed political stability and social peace for the neoliberal economic experiment.

The neoliberal model of stabilization and modernization of the Chilean economy assumed free private initiative and private entrepreneurship in the production and financial spheres as the basis of economic prosperity; increasing the competitiveness of the national Chilean economy in the world market; rejection of protectionism; creating optimally favorable conditions for attracting and operating foreign capital on the basis of direct investment and granting the private sector the right to receive external loans; reducing direct government intervention in the economy; deduction of “surplus” by the upper strata in favor of the poor and the removal of social tension.

At the first stage of development of the Chilean economy, the neoliberal model was applied almost in its “pure” form.

Chile began to be talked about as a testing ground for Chicago School economists. The beginning of stabilization occurred in conditions of hyperinflation, balance of payments deficit, and unfavorable foreign economic conditions. But no one wanted to retreat, it was decided to achieve stabilization at any cost, specifically with the help of “shock therapy” recommended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). “Shock therapy” meant the cessation of government financing of unprofitable enterprises, a sharp reduction in real wages, minimizing public demand, halving public investment, expanding privatization.

With the help of privatization, it was supposed to increase the efficiency of national production and modernize it, as well as support the national currency and make regular payments to repay the external debt.

Privatization, which became the cornerstone of the neoliberal course, took place in the 70s.

in two forms: reprivatization and sale of state property to private individuals. In 1974-1978 former owners 294 previously nationalized industrial enterprises were returned.

200 enterprises were sold at auction at reduced prices. Only 20 companies remained under state control, 5 of them industrial. The famous copper mines, nationalized at one time by Popular Unity, formally continued to remain state-owned, but large compensation was paid for their nationalization, and the management of the mines and their operation were transferred to the hands of transnational corporations, which also strengthened control over the sale of copper, the supply of equipment and spare parts.

As a result, by 1983, copper production increased by 70%, and the number of employees decreased by one third. Some of the copper mines were bought up by American capital. Thus, the role of the public sector has changed from a primary one to a supporting one. By the beginning of 1977, the privatization of state property was largely completed.

As a result of privatization, large Chilean financial-oligarchic groups - the “family clans” of Alexandri, Edwards, Matte, Yarura - received substantial benefits.

New clans appeared - Cruzat-Larrena, Vial, Angelini, Luksic, who controlled 250 of the largest private enterprises, as well as the local market for loan capital. The positions of the largest national groups in the military-industrial complex were strengthened. And although Chile imported military equipment and equipment, the local military-industrial complex itself was engaged in the production and export of weapons. This initiative, with the support of NATO and the United States, brought Chile to third place in Latin America (after Brazil and Argentina) in the export of weapons and military equipment (which brought the country in 1985-1986.

foreign exchange income in the amount of $100 million). The government protected the interests of these financial and industrial groups. For example, the company of C. Cardoin, the largest private arms exporter, received a loan from the state in the amount of $4.6 million in the crisis year of 1981. At the same time, the national production mechanism was undermined: production and the share in GDP of manufacturing enterprises - engineering, chemical, textile, leather and footwear industries, which turned out to be uncompetitive in a free market.

Refusing to recognize the legitimacy of the agrarian reforms of the CDA and Popular Unity governments, the Pinochet regime returned 2.8 million hectares of land to the previous owners, more than one third of the peasants who received land plots before the military coup of 1973 went bankrupt.

During 1976-1980 The area under cultivation of 14 major food crops decreased annually, which led to an increase in imports, for example, wheat by $300 million. The basis for the development of agriculture was the principle of “comparative advantage”, which meant the preferential production of those goods for which Chile had optimal natural resources. -climatic conditions compared to other countries.

The export production of fruits (apples, strawberries, grapes, kiwi - by 600%), wines, fish products, wood products expanded, which made Chile a world exporter of these products.

The main thing was that Chilean exports, where the largest specific gravity occupied by copper and saltpeter, it was possible to diversify and, therefore, make it less vulnerable to fluctuations in world market conditions.

The destruction of national industry was facilitated by the reduction of customs tariffs and the abandonment of protectionism, carried out in accordance with the course towards an open economy.

Customs tariffs were reduced from 94% in 1973 to 10% in 1979. This immediately led to an increase in the flow of imported goods, a significant part of which were consumer durables, electronic equipment, and fashionable clothing. The share of imports in domestic consumption doubled, and the value of imports in 1981 alone amounted to $1.8 billion, which is equivalent to 25% of the value of all products of the national manufacturing industry.

The neoliberal model specifically provided for the introduction into the mass psychology of Chileans of the ideals and standards of a highly developed Western consumer society. However, the lifestyle in the best European and North American traditions, available to the Chilean elite, was beyond the means of the middle strata and especially the lower categories of society. So the expansion of the consumer market did not at all mean an expansion of the opportunity to use its services for the majority of the country’s population.
The most important principle of an open economy is the encouragement of foreign capital.

The Law “On the Foreign Investment Regime” (1974) lifted all restrictions on the export of profits from the country. This sharply increased interest in the Chilean economy from foreign public, private and international capital.

Moreover, the interest of foreign investors in the Chilean manufacturing industry was small (only 6.4% of total investments), but banking became a profitable area for investing foreign capital: by 1980, there were 19 foreign banks operating in the country (versus one in 1974). ). Only the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) and the World Bank in 1976-1982. provided Chile with 46 loans worth $3.1 billion.
The costs of the transition to a neoliberal economy contributed to an increase in the country’s external debt to $20 billion 690 million.

(1986) versus $3.3 billion (1973). In the mid-90s. external debt stabilized at the level of 17.5-18.5 billion dollars. The Pinochet government spent 62% of export revenues on servicing external debt (the Allende government - 12%). Economists' calculations make the idea of ​​the possibility of repaying external debt in existing conditions illusory. One thing is certain: Chile will have to work for its creditors for decades to come.

The development of Chile's free market economy led to changes in the social structure: the number of hired workers in industry and agriculture decreased.

The collapse of the public sector manufacturing industry caused the marginalization of wage workers. Taking into account the reduction in the number of civil servants and the ruin of small entrepreneurs, the share of marginalized people amounted to more than one third of the workforce.

The unemployment rate rose from 3.8% in 1972 to 18% EAN.
Pinochet's social policy was based on the rejection of the principle of social justice; the principle of freedom of choice and “equal opportunities” was affirmed.

The socio-psychological consequence of Pinochet’s economic reforms and social policies can be considered the formation of a new mentality of society based on the principles of individualism, pragmatism and personal interest.

At the same time, democratic values ​​were seen as secondary to personal success. The society of apolitical conformists - subjects of a new mentality - became the basis of the political model of the Pinochet regime. Good employees should be interested exclusively in the professional field. Only this type was allowed political activity, such as the activities of youth, women's associations, neighborhood councils, etc.

The paternalistic nature of the Pinochet regime was combined with the outright isolation of the elite from other sectors of society.

The spiritual life of the Chileans was strictly regulated, strictly controlled and censored, which allows us to talk about the emergence of the phenomenon of the so-called “cultural eclipse”, the meaning of which is the absence of an alternative to the official course of cultural life.

At the same time, due to the terror and repression of the initial period of the dictatorship, which had a great psychological effect, a phenomenon arose - a “culture of fear”, which meant people’s distrust of each other, fear of communication, silence, apathy, emigration, loneliness.

The “culture of fear,” as well as other forms of mass psychology, contributed to the political stability of society and the introduction of a neoliberal economic model.

Nevertheless, reforms in Chile have forced people to talk about the Chilean “economic miracle.”

Under " economic miracle“One should understand the stable growth rate of GDP (approximately 6% per year), a threefold reduction in the balance of payments deficit, the elimination of the state budget deficit, delaying inflation to 30% per year, modernization of the state apparatus towards the efficiency of its management and reduction in the number of officials employed in it. In general, successes related to macroeconomic factors.
At the same time, the price of the “miracle” meant an increase in external debt by almost 5 times, a reduction in public investment below the level of the 60s, the preservation of a fairly high inflation ceiling, the undermining of the national industry and especially its manufacturing industries below the level of 1973, the infringement of traditional entrepreneurial circles, high level unemployment (up to 18%), a drop in average wages below the 1970 level, marginalization and impoverishment of the population (over 40% of Chileans lived below the poverty line, the income of 80% of Chileans did not reach the national average of $1,510.

in year). Society could pay such a high “social price” only within the framework of a dictatorial regime.

The crisis of 1981-1983, which affected all sectors of the Chilean economy, stopped the first stage of Pinochet's economic reforms.

National income decreased, unemployment reached 35% of the economically active population, and the country's financial system was on the verge of collapse.

It became clear that for the progressive successful development of the Chilean economy, a return to a purely monetarist model and a course towards an “open” market economy needs to be adjusted. The second stage of Pinochet's reforms begins (1982-1989).

The emergence of a more flexible “reasonable monetarism” is associated with the name of the Minister of Finance of Chile E. Bihi, whose activities, unlike his predecessors, were characterized by greater balance, realism, and flexibility.

To combat the crisis, the Chilean government decided to continue privatization, provide subsidies to the private sector and use methods of direct government intervention in the economy. Saving, for example, the banking system, the state intervened in the management of 13 banks and established direct control over two more banks, in addition, the state took upon itself the payment of the external debt of private banks. At the second stage of privatization, state-owned enterprises in the mining, copper and steel industries, communications systems were transferred into private hands, and technological modernization of the privatized industries was carried out.

At the same time, the so-called transnationalization of new Chilean elite economic groups took place, i.e. joint control of Chilean and transnational owners over privatized enterprises was established.
Results of anti-crisis measures of the 80s. were impressive: inflation dropped to the world average of 9-15%, unemployment dropped to 6%, and it was possible to pay off $2 billion in foreign debt.

The Chilean economy was recognized as the "healthiest", "dynamic" and "exemplary" among Latin American countries.

Crisis 1981 - 1983

marked the beginning of the “cooling down” of the Pinochet dictatorship. Economic difficulties stimulated the activity of various opposition movements - from the new right to the extreme left.

The opposition begins to resist the dictator. On May 11, 1983, the so-called Day of National Protest took place for the first time. The agenda includes the question of overthrowing the dictatorship and restoring democracy. Pinochet's activities are subject to widespread criticism.

The threat of isolation of the dictator appears on the horizon, and he sets a course for gradual political liberalization: he allows the activities of parties loyal to the dictatorship.
By the mid-80s. in the opposition there are two poles of attraction: one - around the People's Democratic Movement led by the Communist Party (they recognized any form of struggle, up to an armed uprising), the other, moderate, - around the Christian Democratic Party (for a gradual path of civil disobedience).

Pinochet was firmly convinced that the differences and disagreements within the ranks of the opposition were practically insurmountable and, therefore, they did not pose a serious threat. However, in 1985, all opposition parties managed to develop and sign the document “National Consent on the Transition to Full Democracy.”

As part of national days of protest, the left wing of the opposition used violent forms of struggle, and since 1986.

fully relied on an armed uprising. The discovery of weapons caches and the failed assassination attempt on Pinochet again prompted a state of emergency and discredited the idea of ​​an armed uprising.

The merit of the right-wing and centrist opposition figures was that they were able to isolate the Marxist parties and form a broad political consensus.
The result of the evolution of the Pinochet regime was a referendum in October 1988, which raised the question of granting Pinochet presidential powers for another 8-year term. 53% of Chileans voted against the dictator.

In December 1989, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party, Patricio Aylwin, won the presidential elections, to whom Pinochet transferred power on March 11, 1990.

Aylwin's centre-left coalition government entered a period of transition from dictatorship to democracy. Military tribunals were abolished, investigations were launched into financial irregularities and corruption of officials during the dictatorship, and political prisoners were amnestied.

The National Truth and Reconciliation Commission investigated human rights violations, confirming the death of over 2 thousand people during the dictatorship (their relatives received compensation). Pinochet's previous neoliberal economic course was adjusted towards the abandonment of “shock therapy” and the use of state regulation methods. The government has doubled spending on social programs.

Unemployment was reduced and inflation was halved. Chile restored diplomatic relations with the USSR, Cuba, Vietnam and North Korea, began to participate more actively in inter-American cooperation, and expanded relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region.

In December 1993, the candidate from the association of political parties “For Democracy”, Eduardo Frei (son of former president E. Freya). His gov-. The government continued Aylwin's course, maintaining a social focus and expanding support for national business circles.

26 years after the death of S. Allende, the post of president was taken by the socialist Ricardo Lagos. This meant the real political death of Pinochet and the end of the transition period from dictatorship to democracy in Chile.

The new president faces serious economic problems: the need to pay off the external debt, which amounted to 45% of Chile's GDP in 1999, and overcome the decline in economic growth economic growth, which emerged in 1999. R. Lagos believes that it is impossible to build a market society in its pure form, that the market cannot solve all problems.

It is necessary to develop a development strategy taking into account the positive historical experience of government regulation.

On September 11, 1973, a military coup was carried out in Chile, as a result of which the Popular Unity government was overthrown.

Three years before this event, on September 4, 1970, the presidential elections, in which the candidate of the left Popular Unity bloc, socialist Salvador Allende, won.

The new leader set himself the task of making Chile a socialist country. To achieve this, the nationalization of private banks, copper mines and some industrial enterprises. Diplomatic relations were established with Cuba, China and other communist countries.

By September 1973, there were over 500 enterprises in the public sector and under state control, which accounted for about 50% of gross industrial output; the state owned 85% of the railway network. 3.5 thousand land holdings with a total area of ​​5.4 million hectares were expropriated, which were distributed among landless and land-poor peasants. About 70% of foreign trade transactions were under state control.

The civil opposition sharply criticized the administration for its intention to switch to a planned economy. There was a growing wave of terrorism and armed conflicts between left-wing and right-wing groups in the country. After unsuccessful attempt After the military coup in June 1973, a series of strikes took place under anti-government slogans.

On September 11, 1973, the armed forces, led by Allende's newly appointed new commander-in-chief, Augusto Pinochet, carried out a military coup.

The coup began in the early morning of September 11, when ships of the Chilean Navy, participating in the joint Unides maneuvers with the US Navy, taking place off the coast of Chile, shelled the port and city of Valparaiso. The landing troops captured the city, the headquarters of parties belonging to the People's Unity bloc, radio stations, a television center and a number of strategic objects.

Radio stations broadcast the rebels' statement about the coup and the creation of a military junta consisting of the commander of the ground forces, General Augusto Pinochet, the commander of the Navy, Admiral José Merino, the commander of the Air Force, General Gustavo Lee, and the acting director of the Carabinieri corps, General Cesar Mendoza.

The rebels began shelling and storming the La Moneda presidential palace, which was defended by about 40 people. The assault was carried out with the participation of tanks and aircraft. The rebels' offer to surrender in exchange for permission to leave Chile freely was rejected by the defenders of La Moneda. The putschists seized the building of the presidential palace. Salvador Allende refused to resign as president and submit to the putschists. For a long time It was believed that he died in battle, but in 2011 a special forensic examination found that the ex-president of Chile before mutinous soldiers broke into the presidential palace.

As a result of the 1973 coup, a military junta came to power. In accordance with the junta decree of December 17, 1974, General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte became president of the republic. He exercised executive power, and the junta as a whole exercised legislative power.

All left-wing political parties and trade unions were banned, and strikes were outlawed. In 1975, a law was passed allowing the closure of newspapers and radio stations whose messages could be considered "unpatriotic." Elected local councils and local governments were abolished and replaced by officials appointed by the junta. Universities were purged and placed under military supervision.

According to official data, during the years of Pinochet's rule in Chile from 1973 to 1990, almost 1.2 thousand went missing, and about 28 thousand people were tortured.

In 1991, a year after the end of the dictatorship, in Chile, which was collecting information about those killed or missing during military rule. She reported 3,197 dead and missing during the dictatorship.

Tens of thousands of Chileans went through prisons, and about a million ended up in exile. One of the most famous and irrefutable examples of the brutality of the putschists was the murder of the singer and composer, an adherent of communist views, Victor Jara in 1973. As the investigation established, over the course of four days, Haru at the Chile stadium (since 2003, the stadium has been named after Victor Hara), firing 34 bullets at him.

The Chile Stadium and the National Stadium in Saniago were turned into concentration camps. All murders committed during the 1973 military coup were covered by the amnesty announced by Pinochet in 1979.

Augusto Pinochet ruled the country until 1990, when he handed over power to elected civilian President Patricio Aylwin, remaining as army commander. On March 11, 1998, he resigned to become a senator for life. After repeated attempts to bring Pinochet to trial, he was found guilty of two murders in 2006. On December 10, 2006, at the age of 91, the former dictator died in the Military Hospital of Santiago. His death was marked by numerous demonstrations - both by his opponents and supporters.

In December 2012, Chile's Court of Appeal ordered the arrest of seven retired military personnel involved in the killing of singer Victor Jara during the 1973 military coup. Previously, retired army lieutenant colonel Mario Manriquez, who led the concentration camp at Chile Stadium in Santiago, was found responsible for the brutal crime.

The material was prepared based on information from RIA Novosti and open sources