By the beginning of the 19th century. There were no Bek possessions on the territory of the Lezgins, except for villages. Kaka Samur district, where in late XVIII V. Beks from the family of Kazikumukh khans settled. The neighboring villages of Yalag and Lutkul were also subordinate to the Kakin beks. Each village supplied the beks with 75 rupes of wheat (112.5 poods) and worked for three days from the smoke.
But already in 1813, after the formation of the Kyura Khanate, which included mainly foothill areas, the best land here was distributed to the beks, who also belonged to the Kazikumukh Khan’s house. Enslaved peasants (rayats) were obliged to pay taxes to the beks and serve feudal duties. Thus, residents of the villages of Nyutyug, Kurkent, Karchag, Ekendil, Zizik and Chilik of the present Kasumkent region, subordinate to the beks from the villages. Karchag, did not have the right to leave their villages without the latter’s permission; they paid taxes, cultivated the lands of the beks, carried them firewood on their carts, etc. In the second half of the 19th century, with the penetration of capitalist relations into the Lezgin village, stratification among the highlanders intensified . Along with the emergence of a handful of large landowners and sheep breeders, the number of poor peasants grew rapidly. According to the 1886 census, out of 2,927 farms in the Kurakh naibstvo (present-day Kurakh district), which was considered the largest cattle-breeding region in Dagestan, 655 farms had no cattle, 1,851 sheep and goats, and 1,961 horses. In the Samur district in 1917, 69% of farms did not have cattle, 39.9% of farms did not have draft animals, and 20% of farms did not have land. At the same time, individual farms concentrated a large amount of livestock and land in their hands. So, a village resident. Maza Jafar Haji Jalil-oglu had 20 heads of draft cattle, 11 heads of cattle, 1470 heads of sheep and 45 sabahs of arable land. Back at the beginning of the 20th century. The dependent classes in Lezgin society, as throughout Dagestan, continued to bear feudal duties in favor of the beks. Under the influence of the revolution of 1905, the serfs of the Kyurinsky district began in 1906 to refuse to fulfill these duties. In 1907, the same thing happened in the villages of Lutkul and Yalag, Samur district. But only in 1913 was the law on the liberation of dependent classes in Dagestan published, and right up to the Great October revolution“liberated” peasants made large redemption payments. Along with the beks, the Lezgin peasantry was exploited by large kulak sheep farmers, traders and Muslim clergy. Lezgin workers were also subjected to cruel oppression. The tsarist government strangled the people with unaffordable taxes.
Only the establishment of Soviet power freed the working Lezgins from the yoke of the exploiters. The old society, divided into oppressors and oppressed, was replaced by a socialist community of workers, collective farm peasantry and intelligentsia.
A modern Lezgin family most often consists of five to eight people. In addition to the father, mother and children, it includes the parents of the husband or wife, often minor brothers and sisters of the wife or husband, and widowed daughters-in-law. In some villages (Kasumkent, Ikre, Akhtakh, Mikrakh, etc.) there are families consisting of 15-17 people, including two to four married brothers. But in general, large families among Lezgins were rare already in the second half of the 19th century. For many centuries, relationships between family members were built on unquestioning obedience to elders and on the inequality of women. IN Soviet time Lezginka - collective farmer, worker, employee - became economically independent, gained access to education and social activities. All this, together with the implementation of Soviet legislation on marriage and family, freed the Lezgin woman from unlimited dependence on her father, brother and husband. However, there are still many facts testifying to the strength of patriarchal clan traditions, which still prevent many Lezgin women from occupying a truly equal position with men. In many families, a woman will not eat with men in front of strangers, and men are ashamed to openly help a woman with work, etc. Considerable explanatory work is still needed to make these relics a thing of the past.
In the recent past big role In Lezgin life, remnants of patriarchal-tribal relations played a role. True, the question of the existence of clan property among the Lezgins had not yet been explored, but such remnants of the clan system as blood revenge, mutual assistance of relatives, compact living of relatives in one quarter, unquestioning obedience to older relatives, etc., remained for a long time. Bloodshed disappeared among the Lezgins only shortly before the October Revolution, and mutual assistance among relatives has long been supplemented and replaced by mutual assistance among fellow villagers in general.
Many old customs and prejudices are behind last years disappeared or underwent significant changes. Thus, customs associated with childbirth underwent changes. In connection with the opening of hospitals and maternity hospitals, for example, magical means that grandmothers resorted to to “facilitate” childbirth are no longer used. Previously, the father would leave the house during childbirth. The one who first informed him about the birth of a child received a gift from him. The birth of a daughter was considered less a joyful event than the birth of a son. The name of the child was given by one of the older relatives. This was accompanied by a family celebration and food. Often a child was given, and is still given, the name of a deceased grandfather or other deceased relative.
In the past, marriages among Lezgins were preferably among relatives. Nowadays this custom of endogamy is disappearing. The marriage was preceded by a preliminary agreement between the parents of the bride and groom, often when the latter were still children. Sometimes marriages were concluded by kidnapping the bride; but they resorted to it when the bride did not want to marry or in case of resistance from her parents. The wedding was preceded by a matchmaking procedure. Close relative The groom came to the bride's parents and proposed to them. After obtaining consent, one of the groom’s close relatives brought the bride a dish of pilaf, a ring and a scarf. After some time, the groom's father, accompanied by several men, brought money and a scarf to the bride's house. Immediately, during the refreshment, the parties agreed on the size of the bride price. From this time until the wedding, the groom was unable to meet with the bride.
The wedding began with feasts in the house of the groom and in the house of the bride, which took place separately. When marrying within one kinship group, relatives during the wedding were divided into two camps - the side of the groom and the side of the bride, between which a state of struggle was staged. At the beginning of the wedding, the groom went to one of his relatives or friends and had fun there with friends. Then the groom and his retinue followed the bride with music and dancing. She was supposed to refuse to leave her home for some time. Finally, the bride, with her face covered with a scarf, was put on a horse or in a carriage (cart, phaeton) and taken to the groom's house. The wedding director walked in front, followed by the musicians, then the groom and his companions, and the rest of the men and women. At the end of the procession rode the bride, who was accompanied by an elderly relative and one of her friends. They carried a dowry with them.
When the bride approached the groom's house, money, nuts, candies, sugar, etc. were thrown at her from neighboring houses. When entering the groom's house, the bride had to crush right foot a spoon with butter placed on the threshold. After this, the bride was brought into the room and seated on the dowry chest. The entire time the festivities continued, the bride had to sit silently. Around midnight, the groom came to her, and the girls and women surrounding the bride left. In the morning the groom went to the river to swim, and then spent the whole day at the house of his friend or relative.
The current Lezgin wedding differs in many ways from the old wedding. Marriages are concluded without paying a dowry and without the participation of a mullah. Cases of bride kidnapping and betrothal of minors have disappeared. wedding ceremony in general has not changed, with the exception of certain moments. Thus, in many villages the bride is taken to the groom’s house not on a horse or a cart, but in a passenger car, and her dowry is taken on a truck.
Funerals among Lezgins, as well as among other peoples of Dagestan, in their external form do not differ from ordinary Muslim funerals (the deceased is wrapped in a shroud, placed in the grave on his right side, with his head to the west, etc.). Now, due to the massive departure of the population from religion, religious rituals during burial are observed less and less often.
Religion
Before the Great October Revolution socialist revolution The official religion of the Lezgins was Sunni Islam. Village residents. The Miskiyajas of the Dokuzparinsky district have long been Shiites. It is known that Islam began to be implanted in Southern Dagestan back in the 8th century. Arab conquerors. It is not surprising that he penetrated deeply into the public and family life Lezgin. Not only during the period of Dagestan’s annexation to Russia, but also during the October Revolution and civil war, and also in subsequent years, the Lezgin clergy acted in alliance with large cattle breeders and traders. Until collectivization, Lezgins had mosques everywhere, not only common to the entire village (juma mosques), but also neighborhood mosques. Before the establishment of Soviet power in Dagestan, mosques owned a significant amount of hay and arable land (waqfs), which Soviet authority handed over to the working people. Nowadays, religious prejudices are being eliminated more and more among the bulk of Lezgins. They are especially alien to young people and middle-aged people. This is a consequence of the unprecedented growth of culture and enlightenment of the people. It would be wrong, however, to think that the Lezghins are already finished with religion. There are also quite a few who perform prayers, decorate the graves of “saints” with sacrificial rags, so-called feasts, etc.
Despite the long existence of Islam in Lezgin society, some traces of ancient beliefs remained here until recently. The Lezgin word gutsar, used as a synonym for “Allah,” in the past, apparently, was the name of one of pagan gods. The holiday of the spring equinox, accompanied by the ritual of lighting bonfires over which young men jumped, had the same pre-Islamic character; May flower picking festival; a procession of men with decorated branches during a drought, the participants of which doused each other with water; a procession of girls with a doll during excessively heavy rains; worship of the “sacred” mountain Shalbuzdag; hanging in yards as a talisman against " evil eye» horseshoes, skulls and bones of dogs and horses; various magical remedies used during childbirth, at weddings, when building a house, etc.
The attitude towards women was very contradictory. The woman enjoyed great respect in society, but at the same time she had no rights in the family, even in relation to her own children. The man treated her as a lower being, the main burden of household work fell on her: preparing clothes, food, conducting all kinds of household chores and much more. However, on this basis it is hardly justified to conclude that women are inferior.
As F. Engels correctly emphasized, “the division of labor between both sexes is determined not by the position of women in society, but by completely different reasons. Peoples whose women have to work much more “than we think should be the case, often have much more genuine respect for women than our Europeans.”
A WOMAN did housework and enjoyed respect and honor among her household, although outwardly the attitude towards her was harsh. It was considered a great shame to assault a woman, insult and humiliate her in any form. He covered himself with shame if, contrary to custom, he raised his hand to a woman and, by word or action, desecrated her honor.
Insulting a wife, let alone beating her, was considered a disgusting act; society turned away from such a person; such an insult was equated to a blood offense. No matter how joyless a woman’s life may be, it must be said that among Lezghins, acts of rudeness and violence against her are extremely rare. Hitting a woman is considered disgraceful. If the family discord has reached the point of a major quarrel, the wife goes to her parents’ house and the husband begins efforts for reconciliation.
The exceptional position of the Lezgin woman in society is also evidenced by the non-extension of blood feud to her. No matter what blood feud there was between the families, a woman was never killed. If someone committed such a crime, then he incurred the greatest contempt of society.
The most irreconcilable enemies stopped fighting if a woman took off her scarf and threw it between them. This was also the case with other Caucasian highlanders. Indecent expressions were absolutely not allowed in the presence of a woman. Taking revenge on a woman was considered a disgrace, unworthy of a man.
If a woman and a man walked side by side, then the woman took right side, and if two men walked with her, then between them. In both cases these positions were considered the most honorable. Nai large quantity etiquette norms were associated with women. No matter to what extent the intoxication of the feasting men reached, no matter how cheekily the company of young people behaved, no matter how intense the bitterness of those quarreling, fighting or fighting, the mere appearance of a woman curbed the brawlers, stopped and stopped the bloodshed. An ambiguous word in the presence of women, a careless movement during dancing, and careless treatment of a girl caused condemnation from the entire society.
To the question Who are the Lezgins, and what do you know about them, have you met them, what kind of people are they? given by the author Kerosene stove the best answer is Lezgins (self-name: Lezgiar) are one of the large indigenous peoples of the Caucasus, historically living in the adjacent regions of Dagestan and Azerbaijan. According to official data, the number of Lezgins is about 600-650 thousand people. In addition to their historical places of residence, they also live in Kazakhstan (15 thousand), Kyrgyzstan (7.5 thousand), Turkey (15 thousand) and other neighboring countries. They speak the Lezgin language, which, together with the related Tabasaran, Agul, Rutul, Tsakhur, Budukh, Kryz, Archin, Khinalug and Udi belongs to the Lezgin branch of the Caucasian languages. By religion, modern Lezgins are Sunni Muslims.
From time immemorial, Lezgin-speaking peoples have been known under the name “Legi” (Leki), from which the modern ethnonym “Lezgi” subsequently originated. Endless wars with the Romans, Byzantines, Persians, Khazars and other conquerors determined the fame of the Lezgin-speaking tribes inhabiting Caucasian Albania. Until now, Georgians and Armenians call Dagestanis, and especially Lezgins, “leks,” while Persians and Arabs call them “leks.” In addition, the dance “Lezginka” among Georgians is called “Lekuri”
Lezgin language is the language of Lezgins and other Lezgin-speaking peoples. Belongs to the Caucasian languages. Together with the closely related Tabasaran, Agul, Rutul, Tsakhur, Budukh, Kryz, Archin and Udi languages, it forms the Lezgin group of Nakh-Dagestan languages. Distributed in the south of the Republic of Dagestan and in the northern regions of Azerbaijan. The number of speakers in the world is about 1.5 million. It is an ancient language of Caucasian Albania.
There are 3 main dialects: Kyurinsky, Samurian and Cuban. There are also independent dialects: Kurush, Giliyar, Fiy and Gelkhen. The sound composition of the Lezgin language: 5 vowels and about 60 consonant phonemes. There are no voiceless laterals, no geminated consonants, and there is a labial spirant “f”. The stress is forceful, fixed on the second syllable from the beginning of the word. Unlike other North Caucasian languages, it does not have categories of grammatical class and gender. Nouns have the categories of case (18 cases) and number. The verb does not change in persons and numbers, a complex system of tense forms and moods. The main constructions of a simple sentence are nominative, ergative, dative, locative. There is a variety of types of complex sentences.
P.S. I am a Lezgin myself. There are good people and there are bad people, just like in any other nation. In general, there are traits inherent in all Lezgins: hospitable, hardworking, principled, straightforward people. Source: opinion
Answer from Procul negotiis.[guru]
One of the nationalities of Dagestan, and there are more than a hundred of them... yes, I served with someone like that. He’s malicious, touchy about the man, we sycophant when it pleases him... in general, I won’t say anything good.
Answer from Vladimir Mazur[guru]
There is a Lezginka dance, and since I believe this is one of the peoples, most likely the peoples from Dagestan
Answer from Neurosis[guru]
one of the indigenous nationalities of Dagestan. less nervous, but still different from all of us in concepts about life. don't mess around.
Answer from Strabismus[guru]
Lezgins are a people living mainly on the territory of modern Dagestan. Folk craft banditry and human trafficking. They can be helpful, but until they win you over and find your position dependent. In this case, they will act with humiliation and breaking the will for complete submission and use for their own purposes.
Answer from Orlova Elena[guru]
Met good people came across, my cook was a Lezgin, and women worked too. Hardworking, kind, cook deliciously, hospitable.
Answer from User deleted[guru]
Lezgins (self-name: Lezgiar) are one of the large indigenous peoples of the Caucasus, historically living in the adjacent regions of Dagestan and Azerbaijan. According to official data, the number of Lezgins is about 600-650 thousand people. In addition to their historical places of residence, they also live in Kazakhstan (15 thousand), Kyrgyzstan (7.5 thousand), Turkey (15 thousand) and other neighboring countries. They speak Lezgin language. Suleiman Stalsky is a Soviet poet. Like all people, different people meet. It also depends on what you are like.
Answer from Lobster[guru]
Leks (and Lezgins) in Georgia were called Avars, Laks, Dargins. That is, these are the peoples who raided Georgia. And the dance “Lezginka” is their dance and the Georgians adopted it from them. And today the dance “Lezginka” is the dance of all the peoples of Dagestan (including Nogais and Cossacks) except the Lezgins themselves. The problem is that the historical Lezgins (Avars, Laks, Dargins) are not Lezgins at all; they (Russian sources Kyurins) are Kurins. The Kyurin Khanate, the Kyurin militia, the Kyurin uprising - these are the terms from the time of the Russian-Caucasian War. The Kyurinians became Lezgins (the Kyurinians working in the oil fields in Baku, even in 1900, did not know that they were “Lezgins”) at the will of the communists.
Answer from Zalimkhan Gadzhimuradov[expert]
The Kyura Khanate is one of the khanates and free societies, the main population of which were Lezgins. Lezgins are a modified Arabic name for leks (or lek, since the Arabs do not have the letter “k”, at the end they have “zg” lezg or lakz). As for the dance, lek is translated from Lezgin as “eagle”, and Lezginka is eagle dance. There is no such word in the Avar, Dargin, or Lak languages. Even before 1900, the Lezgins knew perfectly well who they were.
Answer from Zulfiya Abdulazizova[active]
Answer from Magomedovich[newbie]
Lezgins are smart and hardworking people; they do not like to fake things and show off.
Answer from Aslanbek Israpilov[newbie]
Akhty, a Lezgin village in Southern Dagestan, is a unique place. Among the graduates of local secondary school No. 1 there are more than 80 candidates and doctors of science (from agricultural to philosophical). In terms of the number of scientists per capita (18,000 inhabitants), this is a world record. Lezgins are one of the most decent, intelligent and non-violent peoples of the North Caucasus.
Answer from Rustam Fazlyev[newbie]
I met a Lezginka)))) insatiable and cunning people))) well, this person for sure, told tales that she was divorced from her husband and no longer lives, and that she was pregnant from me))) in this case it was all a lie, they just wanted to scam me) )) the result is that she has a broken face and a disgrace to the whole neighborhood))) I just didn’t expect this from her, I thought a Caucasian girl should be great and I didn’t pay any attention to how we slept with her the next day after we met))) p.s I’m Tatar she is a Lezginka
Answer from Rail Batyrshin[newbie]
I lived with boys from Dagestan in a dorm from university, purebred Lezgins. Very smart, sympathetic, hardworking, non-drinking, non-smoking guys. Served in the army for far east I was friends with the Lezgins. They are very hospitable, they themselves are ready to go hungry, but they will feed their neighbor. I am a Tatar myself, but I respect Lezgins very much! I speak from my own experience, not by hearsay. Just respect each other, at such a moment the Chechen will put away his wolfish grin and smile!
Among the latest materials on the 2010 census, Goskomstat presented a report on the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the population of the largest (over 400 thousand) nationalities of the Russian Federation.
This report allows you to obtain more detailed information on individual nationalities and identify interesting changes that occurred with them during the intercensal period. Among the Dagestan peoples, the “cherished” list included Avars, Dargins, Kumyks and Lezgins.
The gender and age distribution of the Dagestani peoples looks much more encouraging against the background of all-Russian indicators, although even for them it has worsened compared to 2002. The increase in the share of the female population can to a certain extent be associated with the fact that some Dagestanis were not taken into account in major cities: since men predominate among them, they suffered great losses. Thus, per 1000 men there are 1062 women among the Kumyks, 1027 among the Avars and 1027 among the Dargins, against 1163 in terms of the entire population of Russia. There are still more Lezgin men than women - 1000 and 989, respectively. This feature has a migration nature: the majority of Lezgin foreigners are men who came to work from Azerbaijan. True, this feature is gradually being smoothed out - many Lezgins, having settled in a new place, take their families with them.
The Dagestan peoples are “young”. Their median age, which divides the population older and younger exactly in half, is much lower for Russia as a whole, amounting to 38 years. Moreover, among Avars, Kumyks and Dargins it does not reach 27 years, among Lezgins it is higher, including due to migrants who have a higher median age.
A similar situation is observed in the ratio of three age groups: working population, older and younger than working age. The Avars, compared to the other three peoples, have a high proportion of the elderly population - 9.8%. The Dargins have 9.3%, the Kumyks 9.2%, and the Lezgins 9.0%. Among the Avars and Dargins specific gravity among the older generation it decreased, among the Lezgins and Kumyks it increased slightly. However, the increased proportion of elderly Avars is difficult to explain.
Avars also have the highest proportion of people under working age - 28.2%. Among the Dargins and Kumyks - a little more than 27%, among the Lezgins - about 25%. Over eight years, it fell by 4-5% for everyone. Considering the unreliability of statistical data for the Republic of Dagestan, which most likely caused this figure to be overestimated among the Kumyks, which in turn affected their median age, it is difficult to give them any interpretation. Very suspicious is the increase in the population younger than the working age population among the Kumyks (by 3.3%), which was not observed among any of the other 22 peoples (including the Chechens and Ingush). A decrease in the share of this indicator indicates large additions in the working-age population group. Such contradictions do not allow us to see a reliable socio-demographic portrait of the Kumyks
It is possible that the Lezgins currently (and in 2002) have a lower birth rate than the Avars and Dargins, but this has also been influenced by migration. In general, the increased share of the working population and the decreased share of the disabled among Lezgins also have a migration reason, since among migrants, especially labor, people of middle and young (over 16 years of age) predominate.
More precisely, the birth rate is the distribution of women over 15 years of age by the number of children born. Over the course of eight years, among the Dagestani peoples, the proportion of childless women increased by approximately 1% (among the Dargins by 1.5%), amounting to 31-33%. The proportion of women with one or two children also increased, especially among Lezgins (by 3.2%). A women with many children, who gave birth to 3 or more children became less common: their share decreased from 1.7% (among Kumyks) to 4.4% (among Lezgins). Avars and Dargins have the highest number of mothers with many children - 35.5% each, Kumyks - 32.9%, Lezgins - 30.5%. The Dagestan peoples are significantly inferior in terms of the latter indicator to the Chechens and Ingush, for whom it reaches 41-41.5% and has even increased by 1-2.5% over eight years. But statistical data on the Caucasian peoples should be treated with skepticism, since they are distorted, especially for individual peoples. In general, it can be noted that there is a decrease in the birth rate and the postponement of births to a later age.
The indicators for marital status are noteworthy. Among men and women of Dagestan nationalities, there is a slight increase or stagnation (for Dargin women) in the proportion of married persons. Against this background, growth stands out from the general trend married men among the Lezgins from 60.4% to 66.0%, turning them from outsiders into leaders. However, there is no such increase among Lezgin women (by only 0.8% versus 5.4%), from which we can conclude that Lezgin men took representatives of other nations as wives. Men who create interethnic marriages are mostly migrants in large cities and oil and gas regions.
Lezginki also have the highest proportion of married women - 62.2%. And among the Avarkas it is lower than among the rest - 57.3%, but the share of widows is increased - 11.9% (among the Lezginkas - 9.6%).
Another deviation is the high proportion of divorced women among the Kumyks compared to other Dagestan peoples. This feature does not manifest itself very clearly, but quite clearly: among the Lezgins and Dargins - 6%, among the Avars - 7%, and among the Kumyks - almost 9%. Apparently, in the Kumyk environment, divorce is perceived less harshly, and a divorced woman feels more confident among them.
The number of monoethnic households has increased among all Dagestan peoples by approximately 20-25%. The Avars have 185 thousand, the Dargins have 121, the Kumyks and Lezgins have 90 each. At the same time, their average size has decreased, which ranges from 4.2 people among the Dargins to 4.7 among the Kumyks (they have the fewest households consisting of one person - 1.5%). If we compare these indicators, they correlate among all peoples, only the Kumyks do not quite fit into them, since at the very great growth their households experienced a minimal decrease in their size. It is possible that the large families of the Kumyks are still strong, but the role of postscripts in this case is more noticeable. With the growth of interethnic unions among Lezgins, the strong increase in monoethnic families also raises doubts, unless we observe the disintegration of large households into smaller ones.
The Dagestan peoples have approximately the same proficiency in their native language: 82.4-82.9% (Lezgins, Dargins and Avars) and 79.2% (Kumyks). The opposite ratio is observed with the Russian language: among the Kumyks - 95%, among the Avars - 92%. The majority of those who do not know the Russian language were found not among the Caucasian peoples, but among the Yakuts - 9.4%.
We see slightly different numbers in the distribution by native language. Among all nations, the proportion of people who indicated their national language as their native language has not increased significantly. Among the Dargins, Kumyks and Avars it reached 98.0-98.2%, and among the Lezgins - 94.9% (although it increased by almost 1%). In this case, the native language often serves as a way to show belonging to one’s nationality, and a person may not speak it at all. Among the Lezgins, the proportion of people who called Russian their native language was almost 3 times higher. Approximately the same picture was observed in 1989. However, if the Dagestan peoples continue to lose knowledge native language, then first the proportion of people with the language of their nationality as their native language will sharply drop, and then a change in ethnic identity will occur. Among the more mobile Lezgins, this process began a little earlier than among other large Dagestan peoples.
Only in 8 of the 22 largest peoples of Russia, the proportion of people with education (basic general and higher education) exceeds the all-Russian figure - 94%, including Lezgins - 95.2%. The Kumyks came close to the average figure - 93.8%. Among the Avars and especially the Dargins, the level of education is still quite low - 91.5% and 89.2%, respectively. But they are gradually closing the existing gap.
Of interest is the share of people with higher and postgraduate education among Dagestanis. Here the Lezgins are also in the lead with 21.6%, although they do not reach the Russian average - 23.4%. But if we add to them persons with incomplete higher education, then they correspond to it (28%). Among the Kumyks, these figures reach 19 and 25%, respectively. Avars (15.8% and 21%) and Dargins (15.6% and 20.5%) lag significantly behind them, and over the past eight years this gap has increased. As an example, we can cite the maximum and minimum level of persons with higher education, noted in largest nations: among Ossetians it reached 30%, among Chechens it was only 11.8%.
The main source of livelihood for the Dagestan peoples is... dependency. If in 2002 the share of dependents among them (except for Lezgins) exceeded 50%, now it has decreased significantly, but is still high (up to 43.3% among Dargins). One of the main reasons for this feature is the high proportion of children in the age structure of the Dagestan peoples.
In second place (except for the Avars) - work activity. Among the Kumyks this figure reaches 33%, among the Lezgins - 32.3%, among the Dargins - 29.1% and Avars - 26.7%. In the country as a whole, labor activity is the main source of funds, covering 48% of the population. The third (previously second) source of importance is benefits, including unemployment benefits: from 25.5% for the Kumyks, to 30% for the Avars. Then come personal farming and pensions, especially among the Avars - 20.4% and 15.2%, respectively. Other sources of livelihood are not so significant.
The adult population, represented by households aged 15-72 years, demonstrates less economic activity than in Russia as a whole. In particular, among Russians the economically active population is almost 70%, among Lezgins - 68.2%, among Kumyks - 64.3%, among Avars - 61.7%, and among Dargins - only 59%. The share of unemployed among Dagestanis is extremely high: from 15.6% among Kumyks to 22.8% among Lezgins. The reason for this is the labor surplus of Dagestan and high unemployment, especially in Yuzhdag.
The employed population consists mainly of wage earners. Their share among Dagestanis is 85-88%, but among Dargins it is only 76.9% (second only to Azerbaijanis). This can be associated with the high entrepreneurial activity of the Dargin population.
