Who are the new Russians? New Russian “New Russians” in popular culture.

a concept that arose to designate a new social stratum that appeared in Russia at the end of perestroika, against the backdrop of the collapse of Soviet society and the emergence of a market economy. In the very in a general sense The concept of “new Russians” includes a layer of medium and large entrepreneurs and large management. Distinctive features new Russians having “their own business” (or a highly paid job in a large corporation), a high (by Soviet standards unthinkable) level of income and a specific, new Russian way of life.

The phrase “new Russians” first appeared in a publication of the Kommersant newspaper in 1992. The background to the concept of “new Russians” is associated with the name of the American journalist Hendrik Smith, who wrote a book of the same name in the late 1980s. Translated from English, the concept of “new Russians” was picked up and firmly established in the modern Russian language. The successful entry of the image of the “new Russians” into Russian culture indicated that this concept responded to the need of society to designate and understand a new important phenomenon that marked the onset of post-Soviet reality.

Primarily, the phrase “new Russians” refers to a journalistic context. It does not represent a strict scientific concept. It's quite vague, collective image, which carries a significant evaluative component. At the same time, the image of “new Russians” became established in Russian culture. Therefore, paying tribute to the cultural tradition, specialists who consider the processes of the formation of entrepreneurship in post-Soviet Russia (philosophers, sociologists, economists, cultural scientists, psychologists, political scientists) use the image of “new Russians” most often in popular publications.

The two dimensions of the described phenomenon differ significantly. “New Russians” as a collective concept expressing some social, economic and cultural reality (or the phenomenon of “new Russians”) and mythological image“new Russians”, which has developed in Russian society.

Vladimir Pastukhov. New Russians. The evolution of the Soviet nomenklatura. Megapolis Express, February 24, 1993
Valentina Fedotova. "New Russians". What's new about them? What's Russian about them? Russian Federation, 1994, № 18
Kryshtanovskaya Olga. Portrait of the modern elite. Sputnik digest, 1995
Kryshtanovskaya Olga. The elite of the “new Russians” work hard, including on themselves. Izvestia, August 12, 1995
Boguslavskaya Z. Windows facing south. Sketch for a portrait of the “new Russians”. New world, 1995, № 8
Jokes about new Russians. Minsk, 1998
Barsukova S. Who are the “new Russians”? Knowledge power, 1998, No. 1
Cherednichenko T. Russia of the 1990s: in slogans, ratings, images(current lexicon of cultural history). New Literary Review, M., 1999
Semenova-Andrievskaya E. Diagnosis: “wife of a new Russian”? Arguments and facts. Internet version, No. 45 (1046), November 8, 2000
Musienko Yu.I. “Stylish” “showdowns” in the interior. Project Siberia, 2001, No. 11
Kara-Murza S.G. Soviet civilization. Book two. From Great Victory to the present day. M., 2002
500 jokes about difficult life rich people. EKSMO, M., 2003

Find "NEW RUSSIANS" on

“The stupid man turns sour, but the wise man sees through everything” “He who dares eats” (It speaks of those who know how to take risks.)

Russians folk proverbs

Who are these “new Russians”? Usually their appearance is explained
only due to the peculiarities of the shadow economy in Russia. Among
there are two groups of them: the first are entrepreneurs who actively
engaged in financial and economic activities; second -
property owners who tacitly participated in the beginning
le 90s in the privatization of large state owned
ties, using their command positions in the nomenclature of the former
state system of the USSR. " "

In general, we can say that the transition to the market had the most painful and negative impact on the situation of previously relatively prosperous groups of the population - teachers, cultural figures and scientists. During the reforms, there was a change of leaders and outsiders. Representatives of previously prestigious professions have lost their high (or acceptable) financial position, and with it the role of leaders. Previously very modest “techies”, heads of labs, who were looked down upon by the humanitarian intelligentsia, burst forward from the shadows. We can say that in Russia the situation of the 20s of the 20th century was literally repeated: “Who was nothing, became everything.” Such a rapid change of roles in society affects the level of social tension in society, the severity of perception of the situation in previously prosperous groups.

The most interesting and promising is the first group, i.e. entrepreneurs themselves. Usually these are energetic people no older

45 years old with high intellectual abilities. They can solve not only professional problems, but also diagnose a situation, quickly and efficiently make decisions, retain a huge amount of information in memory, take the initiative, take risks (“hit or miss”), take responsibility not only for money , but also for the fates of the workers who entrusted themselves to them.

Considering that we have to act in a rather uncertain and unstable economic reality, it is these psychological and personal qualities people and helped them take a leading position in society. They became pioneers not thanks to inherited capital, family tradition or parental choice, not due to appropriate education or special training, but only due to their personal qualities and conscious choice.

Here is one typical example. The wife of the “new Russian” is tired of sitting at home and waiting for her always busy husband to get home from work. She also stopped being happy with her role as a decorative element in the life of her rich husband. She knew how to sew and took it seriously. But not for yourself, but for sale. She borrowed money from her husband with a promise to return it with interest, bought fabrics, came up with models and styles, purchased equipment, rented premises and hired assistants. A few years later, she became the owner of a large clothing production with a serious clientele, and is responsible for the fate and earnings of 2,000 workers - and this is no joke!

It would seem, why did she need such trouble? If you are rich, then why not “live for yourself”, arrange for yourself “ beautiful life"? Character, then, is like this. The example of this woman shows the emergence of a completely new type of people. After all, such enterprising people had to hide from the law and the all-seeing eye of the state, since such activities were regarded as criminal and were punishable. Social role This group of people is all the more significant if we take into account the traditional Russian “don’t care”, the habit of sitting with folded hands, hoping for a miracle, expressing one’s dissatisfaction with the situation and looking for those to blame. All this also comes from the conservative syndrome in the Russian archetype (see Part II, Chapter 3, § 1 and 2).

So, the stratification of a previously united society occurred not only for objective reasons, but also for psychosocial parameters. The emergence of a layer of entrepreneurs has so far been little appreciated. One cannot help but be surprised at the speed with which an entrepreneurial stratum has emerged in Russia. After all, only 10 years ago everything

They unanimously grieved that of all the historical losses of pre-revolutionary Russia, it was the loss of a layer of business and active people that was irreversible.

Where in the Soviet space could people come from who knew what a “collateral right”, “stock exchange rate” or “shares” were? Nobody ever taught them this. The legislation of the USSR, with which Russia entered the market, did not provide market relations. Business pioneers, breaking all laws, moved forward as if through a minefield. It is not surprising that the first cohort of entrepreneurs consisted of the most lively, fast and daring people, those about whom people say that he “won’t let himself be eaten with porridge”, “knows all the moves and exits”, “been through fire and water, copper pipes” and wolf teeth." They were always respected. They are in the shortest historical dates They established the market infrastructure: they took up the shuttle business, opened stores, created exchanges, banks, holding companies, began to drive cargo across borders, opened advertising and production companies, issued shares and bills, went bankrupt and rose again. In the beginning they learned to trade and mediate. Now they are gradually learning to produce, grow, build and mine.

Of course, there has been a criminal component in Russian business from the very beginning. However, those who entered the legal economy no longer want to conflict with the law. Don't underestimate their flexibility, ability to learn, and desire for respectability. After all, running a criminal business is a dangerous and troublesome business. This confirms the idea that in the future the economic situation in Russia cannot but stabilize.

The anecdotal types of “new Russians”, primitive ones who dream of one thing - to take their capital abroad and “live quietly” somewhere in Cyprus, are gradually becoming a thing of the past. One must assume that the dreams of the latter have already come true. Their image is fully reflected in a series of anecdotes (see part 1, § 4). But people who have consciously chosen this path in adulthood are undoubtedly least inclined to primitively consume their wealth. There are more and more economically responsible people who are committed to creation. They often call themselves "new" new Russians. This group of entrepreneurs is characterized by a desire not to get in the way, demonstrating their wealth and grand gestures, but on the contrary, secret donations, for example, to orphanages.

Who exactly formed the group of Russian entrepreneurs who managed to break through? Objectively for pro-

Over the past 10-12 years, those who managed to move to newly emerging private sector enterprises primarily benefited and took the lead. It depended on profession, age and region of residence. In depressed areas of the country, the likelihood of going to work in the private sector was, of course, lower than in Moscow, St. Petersburg or Nizhny Novgorod. A factor such as position also played a role: managers, for the most part, retained their privileged positions, but average workers lost them.

This group mainly consists of men. Women employed primarily in humanitarian areas of the public sector (doctors, teachers, engineers, scientists, etc.) suffered more than men. Those who had dependents in their families at that time - minor children - suffered greatly. In short, almost everyone who remained outside the “market sector” lost.

But in addition to objective factors, at least when dealing with Russians, subjective factors also have their significance, which have an impact on the dynamics of well-being. For example, the traditional conformist attitude of the Russian archetype - “to be like everyone else” - had its influence. Those who found themselves in the grip of this attitude and lived by the principle of “keep your head down” lost, finding themselves on the sidelines of life, while bright, non-standard individuals with individualistic aspirations, characteristic of societies western type, broke through and took a leading position.

This means that, following the results of 10 years of reforms, the dynamics of the financial situation of Russians is strictly connected with the types of their mentality: each person used the opportunities given to him in different ways. The abrupt change of leaders and outsiders is not an accident; it depends on the mentality and type of behavior of a person.

How do Russians feel about the rich? The most common stereotype, according to which Russians view wealth with suspicion and hostility, looks contradictory in the mirror of sociological research. On the one hand, the share of those who treat people who got rich quickly in the last 10 years the same as everyone else, or with respect and interest, is 58% 80 . On the other hand, 30% of Russians equally consistently view them with suspicion and hostility. This is not so much envy as a rejection of arrogance, the desire to demonstrate one’s success and wealth (all these “sophisticated” jeeps with tinted windows, huge houses

among empty fields, etc. things). Such people are traditionally spoken of with contempt: “A crow flew into a high mansion”, “From rags to riches”...

It should be noted that the “American dream” of getting rich quickly is not very popular among Russians. In Russian cinema, you will never see a scene in which the hero (heroine) rolls her eyes in bliss, fingering a pile of money, raining it on herself, or lying on it in euphoria, as is shown in Hollywood films.

An interesting statement by the head of the Yukos company, oligarch M. Khodorkovsky (AiF, 2003, No. 5), is that in the matter of wealth, even with his parents, he finds mutual language with difficulties. This is the tradition: in Russia, for hundreds of years, successful people were not perceived positively. In Siberia it is even easier (this is the historical situation), but in the European part, in his opinion, it is simply a disaster. And the situation will only change with a change of generations, when the old people leave and, with the help of new technologies and the Internet, a new generation of normal Europeans grows up and is raised. People brought up in former system, will never be able to become successful in business or have a positive attitude towards this activity. Despite the obvious extremism, it seems that there is a reasonable grain in this opinion...

Over 10-12 years, the number of people who attributed qualities such as “indifference to state interests,” “unscrupulousness,” and “greediness” to entrepreneurs has decreased by several percent. But at the same time, the number of people who blame businessmen for their “ruthless, consumerist attitude towards people” has increased by 10%.

Perhaps there is a hidden reproach in this? There is a hidden expectation of help from the rich: they say they are obliged to share, since they took a place at the top and took this place from the state.

But even those who are satisfied with the difference in income and the presence of rich “new Russians” are not entirely indifferent to what this difference is in material terms. There is a limit where the gap in earnings depresses even the most competitive spirit. Research at the Institute of Psychology claims that Russians are ready to accept if the difference in income between the richest and poorest is 5-7 times, but no more. A larger gap is perceived as unfair, and people begin to think that the rich are unfairly getting their money.

And now, according to the director of the Institute of Population of the Russian Academy of Sciences, academician Natalya Rimashevskaya, the richest Russians are 14 times richer than the poorest. For comparison: in the USA this is 7-8 times, in Europe - 4 times 93. These data cannot but worry.

Let us also remember that for the Russian mentality the way in which money was earned is very important, it is very important that a person works and strains. It is equally important that he spends his money “wisely,” not throwing it away, but “for the benefit of society.” For example, an engineer agrees that some academician earns much more than him, but he no longer forgives a television announcer for this: what kind of job is it to be a “talking head”? Economic ignorance will all the more set him against the banker who produces nothing concrete.

code name individuals(not always Russian by nationality), who privatized property mainly on an especially large scale illegally. The basis of the “new Russians” are criminally oriented oligarchs and corrupt officials.

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NEW RUSSIANS

common in the 1990s. definition for the emerging business elite, a quasi-class with its own specific language, habits, ethics, and way of building interpersonal relationships.

The phrase came into use after a sociological portrait of its readers was published on September 7, 1992 in the weekly Kommersant, which classified them as a “leading group.” Russian society“, “whose representatives are simultaneously characterized by high material security, education, a new mentality and, as a consequence, a new lifestyle.”

The term “new Russians” was borrowed from the American magazine Newsweek (according to other sources, it was a copy of the French “nouveau russ” - a punning version of “nouveau riche”). However, it did not remain the “elite” designation of the elite for long: it was soon given an ironic connotation. “New Russians” in six-hundredth Mercedes cars, in crimson double-breasted jackets and with gold chains around their necks, became the main characters in class jokes of the 1990s. And the term itself became to a greater extent relate to representatives of the “new” criminals (as opposed to “thieves in law”).

In the broadest sense, the “new Russians” are a social group that received capital and power not thanks to their own labor and professionalism, but due to the fact that they found themselves “in right time in the right place,” namely during the collapse of the USSR and in a space of proximity to power, or complete anarchy. Hence the attitude towards everything in the world, like that of temporary workers, for example, towards money - “easy come, easy go”, total social irresponsibility, wastefulness, conspicuous consumption, cult of luck, living one day at a time.

The value system of the “new Russians” also presupposes a belief in permissiveness (“money will make my way everywhere”), sybaritism, a low level of work ethics, disregard for education, selfishness, anti-patriotism and high shape class and national intolerance (hidden or outright Russophobia), in connection with which it is obvious that the popular ideas of “liberalism and democracy” and “protection of human rights” among this community are only a subject of political demagoguery in the name of protecting their narrow class interests.

The “New Russians” obstructed all types of values that are achievable through the use of socially approved means, including scientific titles (“let the bespectacled people work for me”), military awards (“how much does a medal cost?”), charity ( “I’m not a charitable society here”), honesty (“whoever is honest is a sucker”), hard work (“only a sucker works”). Success is measured by them only by the amount of money and demonstrative luxury, “show-off”.

The “new Russians” are also characterized by religious eclecticism, which implies a rejection of both any traditional religiosity and Soviet atheism in favor of a bizarre mixture of formal Christianity with parascientific (bioenergetics, torsion fields, etc.) and para-religious worldview (astrology, occultism, young age) .

The aesthetic preferences of the “new Russians” are located in a narrow niche between the area (pop and chanson) and the so-called. glamor (ostentatious luxury, sociality, party).

As a social group, the “new Russians” largely disappeared by the end of the 1990s.

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NEW RUSSIANS- a concept that arose to designate a new social stratum that appeared in Russia at the end of perestroika, against the backdrop of the collapse of Soviet society and the emergence of a market economy. In the most general sense, the concept of “new Russians” includes a layer of medium and large entrepreneurs and large management. The distinctive features of the new Russians are the presence of “their own business” (or a highly paid job in a large corporation), a high (unthinkable by Soviet standards) level of income and a specific, new Russian way of life.

Primarily, the phrase “new Russians” refers to a journalistic context. It does not represent a strict scientific concept. This is a rather vague, collective image that carries a significant evaluative component. At the same time, the image of “new Russians” became established in Russian culture. Therefore, paying tribute to the cultural tradition, specialists who consider the processes of the formation of entrepreneurship in post-Soviet Russia (philosophers, sociologists, economists, cultural scientists, psychologists, political scientists) use the image of “new Russians” most often in popular publications.

The two dimensions of the described phenomenon differ significantly. “New Russians” as a collective concept expressing some social, economic and cultural reality (or the phenomenon of “new Russians”) and the mythological image of “new Russians” that has developed in Russian society.

“New Russians” as a phenomenon.

Since the “new Russians” are a vague social entity, there are discrepancies in defining the boundaries this phenomenon. Sociologists classify the “new Russians” as the entrepreneurial class as a whole, the business elite of modern Russian society, and the so-called “middle class.” As a rule, small businesses and oligarchs are not considered “new Russians.”

“New Russians” appear in the depths of late Soviet society. The first were the so-called “guild workers” or owners of illegal underground industries engaged in the production of scarce products. In the late 1980s, during perestroika, privately entrepreneurial activity legalized in the forms of the cooperative movement. At the same time (1987–1988), on the basis of the capital’s district committees of the Komsomol, Centers for Scientific and Technical Creativity of Youth (TSNTTM) were created, which were the first business structures in the USSR. CNTTM marked the beginning of the process of exchanging nomenklatura power for property. Party and Soviet workers, officials, energetic business executives, and retired officers flocked to business Soviet army, KGB and Ministry of Internal Affairs. In parallel with the flow of people from the nomenklatura, representatives of all walks of life rushed into business. Enterprising engineers, scientists, doctors, teachers, athletes who had the ability to commercial activities, energy and ambition, they opened their own business. The next stream that forms the layer of entrepreneurs is associated with crime. Organized crime structures took on the functions of security and patronage commercial enterprises(the so-called “protection protection”), imposing significant taxes on them. “Protection protection”, as well as trade in illegal goods and services (weapons, drugs, elimination of competitors, etc.) became a way of accumulating initial capital, which was then transferred into forms of legal business.

In 1992, the community of entrepreneurs that emerged from these social flows began to be called “new Russians.” Further, as the privatization processes unfolded, a layer of entrepreneurs concentrated in their hands the majority of the Russian economy. So, over the course of 10–12 years, a new, rather closed social stratum with its own life philosophy, a value system, a special subculture. The new social category went through all stages of formation and created its own style and way of life, formed tastes, forms of communication, leisure patterns, etc.

Sociologists study the objective characteristics of the entrepreneurial community. In former socialist countries, the number of people who suddenly became rich, constituting a special subculture, varies from 1 to 5–10% of the population. According to Olga Kryshtanovskaya (head of the sector for studying the elite of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in the mid-1990s average age the typical representative of the business elite was 42 years old. 78% of them are city residents, 93% have higher education or various academic degrees. These people are absolute workaholics, working 12 hours a day, six days a week. Vacation is no more than one week a year; 87% of respondents prefer to vacation abroad.

The fundamental feature of the formation of the “new Russians” was that this sociocultural community arose out of nowhere. By the end of the 1980s it did not exist (it was suppressed three generations ago) cultural tradition Russian entrepreneurship. Both Soviet ideology and the patriarchal cultural tradition (from which much of Soviet society grew) were egalitarian. Individual economic activity was not welcomed, entrepreneurial activity was viewed as a criminal offense, and the wealth stratification of society was considered an absolute social evil.

The Soviet intelligentsia demonstrated a particular rejection of entrepreneurial values, reproducing the lordly rejection of the rich Tit Titychs inherited from the nobility. The sixties cult of impracticality and aspiration to the world of spiritual values rejected the “new Russian”. The intellectuals' rejection of entrepreneurs was also due to the fact that the transition to a market economy led in Russia to the impoverishment of a significant part of the Soviet intelligentsia, who lost their positions and joined the stratum of the “new poor.”

Therefore, the subculture of new Russians was formed in rejection and opposition to both traditional and Soviet values. The attitude of the new Russian to the traditional to the Soviet man found its design in the word “scoop”. The new Russian is an individualist, standing firmly on the ground, alien to the ethos of impracticality and other intellectual “troubles.” Prestigious consumption and demonstrative characteristics of the “new Russian” lifestyle are opposed to Soviet traditions. However, a closer look reveals a connection between the image of the new Russian and the characters traditional for Russia.

First of all, behind the back of the “new Russian” is the centuries-old tradition of Russian philistinism. This is a Russian man in the street (no matter what class he belongs to), standing firmly on the ground, having a taste for a good life, appreciating prosperity, comfort and convenience. Under all circumstances, under any power, he arranges his life, strives to provide his family, children, and closest relatives with everything necessary, and in his basic life aspirations precedes the “new Russian.”

On the other hand, in the image of the “new Russian” one can recognize the traditional Russian robber, the free Cossack, the gold miner who squanders easy money, exchanging despised metal for the noisy delight and approval of his comrades, drinking companions and clients.

In the “new Russian” one can see a well-known character of Russian literature - a merchant who suddenly became rich, driven by the money that fell on his head, bathing the singers in champagne and smearing the waiters with mustard, but, at another moment, willingly donating to the church and charity causes.

Finally, in the image of the “new Russian” we recognize one of the main heroes of Soviet society. This is an enthusiast of the “business”, who stays at work until late and devotes all his strength to it. The only difference is that the new Russian devotes all his strength not to “our”, but to “his” cause.

For a sociologist, the New Russian is an example of extreme manifestations of individualism, demonstrative behavior in general and conspicuous consumption in particular. New Russians do not demonstrate their worldview; they stand out in their style and way of life. When it comes to professional activity, new Russians are more often called businessmen or entrepreneurs. But when the conversation turns to the private sphere - about their financial situation and personal environment - then they become “new Russians”.

“New Russians” form a fairly closed environment. Friendly relations with representatives of other walks of life are not welcome here. A typical “new Russian” communicates with his relatives and other “new Russians”, their wives, lovers and children. The language of the new Russians, like the language of any other subculture, has demonstrative characteristics and allows you to quickly and accurately identify “one of your own.”

The subculture of the “new Russians” is very dynamic, focused on Western standards of consumption, and easily assimilates any technical innovations and new conveniences. In general, the layer of new Russians is oriented towards Western mass culture and the lifestyle of the middle class in Western countries.

According to experts (psychologists, sexologists) family relationships among new Russians are of a rather tense nature. Wives are usually in a dependent financial position and live in constant competition, since their husband is attractive to many women. According to sociologists, in wealthy families, husbands use physical violence against their wives (so-called “domestic violence”) 2.5 times more often than in the country as a whole. Family problems associated with the unequal status of spouses, chronic fatigue a husband who spends most of his life at work, constant stress, etc.

Mythological image of the “new Russian”.

The mythological image of the new Russians is formed in culture through the efforts of the entire society and is reflected in journalism, modern prose, a pulp novel, in television series, in sketches by comedians, in an extensive series of jokes. An analysis of these sources indicates a striking distance between myth and reality.

Thus, according to sociological research, the vast majority of entrepreneurs have higher education. Education in this environment is a value. New Russians teach their children at prestigious universities. The mythological new Russian appears in the image of a man with a low level of education (three classes) and an insignificant common culture. He teaches the child fingering and slang.

In order to stay afloat, a real entrepreneur works 12 hours a day. The mythological new Russian spends money, has fun and relaxes. He is not thought of as an organizer of the production of any goods or services. The source of income for the new Russian is air. This is speculation, theft of state property, all kinds of pyramids, etc.

Real business shuns crime and masters legal mechanisms for solving emerging problems and protecting their interests. Even big capital, which is criminal in origin, is looking for ways to legalize and strives for respectability. The myth does not distinguish between an entrepreneur and a bandit. In jokes, “brother” and the new Russian appear as synonyms, and this points us to the prevailing ideas in society about the sources of income and the lifestyle of the new Russian.

Sociologists confirm the penchant of the “new” people for prestigious consumption, but the mythological new Russian appears as a consumer of a fantastic, Rabelaisian scale, in the spirit of an Arab sheikh.

Two new Russians meet. One says to the other:

– I heard it’s fashionable now to keep exotic animals.

- Yes, in kind. I just bought myself an elephant.

Listen bro. Its cool!

- Yes, you understand, when he wakes up at five in the morning and goes

to a watering hole, he stomps loudly, waking up the neighbors.

- So what, they’ll be patient.

- Yes, the neighbors are bullshit. He's also their hippopotamus

The image of the mythological “new Russian” exists in a package of stable associations. “New Russians” are fitness clubs, European-quality renovations, holidays in Brazil and Jamaica, a paid school, a house in Spain, an estate near Moscow, servants, a personal driver, security service, a prestigious car (a 600th Mercedes), clubs and casinos, a young wife - at home and a young attractive secretary at work, violations of laws, bribes to government officials, brutal struggle with competitors, shooting up a car on a country highway, a luxurious monument in a prestigious cemetery.

Of particular interest are the anecdotes about the new Russian. It must be said that jokes about the new Russian are perhaps the only and most striking series of jokes that arose in post-Soviet times. The general intonation of these jokes is mocking, but often friendly. The new Russian appears as a “terrible child,” absurd and touching, tasteless and persistent. Its main property, its defining characteristic, is the ability and desire to consume prestigiously. The new Russian has learned the power of money and the beauty of spending this money. In this sense, he can do everything:

Caught a new Russian goldfish and says to her:

-What do you want, fish?

Tales about new Russians are reminiscent of jokes about Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev. There is only one subject in them - Russian national character. In other words, people will recognize their own in the new Russian. The new Russian is a simple person, just like the rest of us, only he is very lucky. The joke about the new Russians makes fun of the conflicts in the life of a suddenly rich commoner.

Sometimes the stories play out the situation of a collision between a 600 Mercedes and a Zaporozhets. Thus, in the space of an anecdote, the conflict between the new Russian and a simple person. It is characteristic that the owner of “Zaporozhets” often, in an unexpected way, wins. The old man driving the Zaporozhets turns out to be the father of the commander of the Berkut special forces unit. Small man- the teller and listener of the joke - approaches the conflict with a new social force and seeks victory, at least in a joke. Exactly the same way the cunning peasant from Russian fairy tales fooled the master.

Anecdotes about new Russians are evidence of the most massive, folklore development of the phenomenon of new Russian entrepreneurship, its inclusion in the world of national culture.

Results.

As a socio-cultural phenomenon, the “new Russians” contain characteristics of both unique specificity and universality. The specific features of the “new Russians” are determined by the peculiarities of Russian culture and the specifics of the transition from state socialism to a market economy. This transition occurred in the former Soviet republics, as well as in the former socialist countries, and gave rise to similar processes. Newspapers write about “new Ukrainians,” Kazakhs or Bulgarians. We can talk about universal patterns of formation of a layer of entrepreneurs in society that survived the era of socialism. The “new rich” are made up of similar social flows. They are characterized by demonstrative characteristics of behavior, the creation of a special subculture, the isolation of this layer, high consumer standards, active mastery of elements of the Western European lifestyle, inclusion in the global context (frequent business contacts with foreign entrepreneurs, holidays abroad, mastering spoken English), expensive education. The ambivalent attitude towards the “new” on the part of the rest of society also turns out to be universal.

From a broader historical perspective, the new Russians fit into a never-ending gallery of economically ascendant social groups. The birth of the “new rich” is a universal phenomenon in world history. Created in Ancient Egypt poetic text, called Ipuwer's cry, dating back to the era of the Hyksos invasion, is filled with lamentations about the social upheaval that befell Egypt. The country has turned over like a potter's wheel, says Ipuver. The poor became rich, and the haves became poor. “Whoever did not even have a boat became the owner of ships,” the one “who was not able to make a coffin for himself became the owner of a tomb, while the bodies of the previous owners of the tombs were thrown into the desert.” Similar social cataclysms occurred in ancient society. Roman satirists described freedmen who suddenly became rich. The “new rich” appeared in the mature Middle Ages, at the dawn of capitalism, and in an era close to ours, for example in England, in the mid-20th century. IN modern world, the rise of the “new rich” is also happening outside the collapsed socialist camp. Thus, in the states of Asia and Africa, which recently gained independence, a layer of “new” masters of life is being formed in full swing.

The emergence of the “new rich” is always recorded by society and evokes complex feelings among contemporaries. In the end, historical fate who get rich depends on what social functions This group of society assumes, what are its responsibilities, what does it give to society as a whole.

In relation to the culture of the entire society, the new Russians perform the function of a group leading in the development of new household items, household technologies, and lifestyle models. Such realities of modern life as cellular telephone, a credit card, a summer holiday at the resorts of Antalya, or a satellite antenna are first adopted by new Russians, and then gradually become the property of the general public.

It must also be said that the very existence of the “new Russians” became a factor that radically changed the mentality and psychology of the entire society. The new Russians provided a clear example of effective entry into the new economic and social reality. The path proposed by the New Russians could be rejected on ethical or cultural grounds, but the fact of their existence cannot be ignored.

IN last years The concept of “new Russian” is heard less often. There is a certain weariness in culture with the image of the “new Russian”. The seemingly endless series of anecdotes dries up and comes to naught. Publicists turn to other topics. The phenomenon hiding under the image of the “new Russian” has lost the brightness of its novelty and is gradually moving into the category of mastered realities of modern life. The epic era when it seemed possible to get rich overnight is a thing of the past. The business environment is also changing. The formation of mature forms of sociality and culture of a market society is underway. The entrepreneurial class is being cleared of random people. Yesterday's “new Russians” are losing the attributes of a striking diva, becoming respectable and a familiar element of the sociocultural landscape.

Igor Grigorievich Yakovenko

At the same time, not having high level intelligence, culture and, despite their wealth, using vocabulary and having manners social strata from which they came.

Etymology

Story

In the 2000s, the term gradually began to fade away from active use. Thus, V. A. Buryakovskaya in her 2014 monograph “Communicative Characteristics of Mass Culture in Media Discourse” characterizes the expression “new Russians” as a “gradually falling out of use phrase” that is finally consigned to history. In general, in the 2010s, the concept of “new Russians” is used as a retro term from the era of the “dashing 90s.” .

Attributes of the “new Russian” and terminology

Characteristic attributes in the 1990s were considered:

A red or crimson jacket is the distinctive style of clothing of the “cool”, its symbol (also a symbol of bad taste), black jeans of a fashion brand, pointed black shoes. According to the player “What? Where? When? “Andrey Kozlov, “new Russians” began to wear crimson jackets precisely after their appearance in this game. According to another version, Sergei Mavrodi became the founder of “fashion” when he came to a TV show in such a jacket. The largest collection of crimson jackets in Russia is located in Moscow, in the private collection of cult clothing of the 90s “Real Outfit”. To the owner of the collection Dmitry Funtikov managed to collect more than 150 copies of crimson jackets. Previously, these things belonged to famous businessmen, politicians, crime bosses, show business stars and various media characters.
Massive gold chain around the neck (“golda”), gold chain untucked
A weighty gold signet ring (“nut”). Usually on several fingers.
Large watches (“cauldrons”) of an expensive brand, preferably gilded and with precious stones.
Thick gold bracelet. [ clarify]
Mercedes-Benz S600 model 1991 in the back of W140 (“six hundredth Mercedes”, “600th gelding”, “Suitcase”, “Bandit”, “Boar”, “hundred and forty”), Jeep Grand Cherokee (“chirk”, “ cherkan", "jeep", "zhyp", "cherokee", "wide"), Nissan Terrano ("tyrant"), Mitsubishi Pajero ("lean", "pager"), Toyota Land Cruiser ("kruzak", "kuruzer") , Mercedes Geländewagen (“Gelik”, “cube”), Chevrolet Tahoe (“coffin”), Volvo 940, Mercedes-Benz W124 (“Wolf”), BMW 5 (“Boomer”, “Schnitzer”), Audi 100 (“Wolf”) herring", "cigar"), BMW 7 ("Boomer"), Lincoln Town Car or Lada Samara ("chisel").
A mobile phone (“pipe”, “mobile”, “cell phone”), which was considered an item of luxury and prestige until the end of the 90s.
A hedgehog-shaved head (or just the back of the head) (“turnip”).
“Fingering”: characteristic gestures with the hands with the little finger, index finger and sometimes bent thumb and pressed to the center of the palm with the middle and ring fingers(“spreader”, “spreader”, “fingers like a fan”, “boyish goat”).
Slicked back hair.
Leather Jacket
Black leather shoes
Use of specific jargon (words “type”, “in kind”, “pure”, “specifically”, “in any way”, etc.). Thieves Fenya.
“Cabbage” - a lot of cash in US dollars, or money in general (“grandmothers”, “loot”, “greens”, “lave”).

The words “new Russian” are closely related to the concept:

“krysha” - ensuring the protection of business, including illegal ones, by law enforcement or criminal structures (“krysha”) for a fee on an ongoing basis.
“bros” (“brothers”, “bros”, “bratells”) - people from a criminal environment who used force and criminal methods to resolve conflicts.
“throw” - skillfully deceive, “cheat” out of money.
“arrow” - a meeting with the aim of resolving a conflict, sometimes by armed means.
“grind” - talk, fight, or even start a shootout.

“New Russians” in popular culture

Picnic at the New Russians:
one says to the other:
- Vovan, go make a fire.
He approaches the fire and sits down
squat down and say:
- Well, bonfire, you got it!

“New Russians” have become a common cliche, the heroes of many jokes, their types have been played out many times in various films, plays and programs. The archetype itself has been repeatedly transferred to other spheres and phenomena of life (see “New Russian Grandmothers”). Also in 1996, the character “Vovan Sidorovich Shcherbaty” appeared in the Gentleman Show program, performed by Ukrainian actor Oleg Shkolnik. In the “Town” program, jokes about the “new Russians” were often staged; there was even an entire episode - “The New Russians of Our Town.” Monologues, the main characters of which were “new Russians,” were performed by Yevgeny Petrosyan, Mikhail Zadornov, Vladimir Vinokur and other artists.

The image of the “new Russians” is played out to a certain extent in the television series “Brigade”, as well as in the film “Zhmurki” and the TV series “Gangster Petersburg”.

Notes

Kostomarov V.G. Language taste of the era. From observations of speech practice in mass media. Archived from the original on May 5, 2014. - 3rd ed., rev. and additional - St. Petersburg: Zlatoust, 1999. - 319 pp. - ISBN 978-5-86547-070-0. - (Language and time. Issue 1).