The concept of “khabze”, both in its narrow social, class aspect - “uerk khabze”, and in the broader national one - “Adyghe khabze”, is extremely rich and all-encompassing. This implies not only etiquette phenomena, but also rituals, traditions, public institutions, customary law, spiritual, ethical and moral values of the Circassians. Various aspects of this topic were touched upon in the works of B. Kh. Bgazhnokov, S. Kh. Mafedzev, A. I. Musukaev, A. M. Gutov and other authors. In this article, Uerk Khabze is considered as a feudal, knightly code from the point of view of its social, estate and class content.
The Circassian nobility, whose motto was “Khebzere zauere” - “Honor and War,” developed its own knightly moral code, the so-called uerk khabze (uerk - knight, nobleman; khabze - code of customary legal, etiquette norms). Many of its provisions undoubtedly stem from the military lifestyle and the associated norms of behavior. As an example of an analogy to such a cultural model associated with war, one can cite the medieval Japanese samurai code of honor “Bushi-do” (“Way of the Warrior”), with which Uerk habze has some parallels.
The life of a Circassian knight (nobleman) was regulated from birth to death by the unwritten code of Uerk Khabze. This code was based on the concept of “uerk nape” (knightly honor). There were no moral or material values that could prevail over this concept. Life itself had value only if it was dedicated to serving the principles of uerq nape. The Circassians have many proverbs dedicated to this, for example: “Pser shchei, naper keschehu” - “Sell your life, buy honor.” Even such natural feelings as love or hatred had to recede into the background before the need to observe the law of honor as the Circassian nobles understood it.
The basis of the noble code of honor Uerk Khabze was a national code of etiquette and moral principles, called Adyghe Khabze (Circassian etiquette).
The concept of “Adyghe khabze” included not only etiquette and moral values, but also all the norms of customary law that regulated the life of the Circassian from birth to death. The nobles were supposed to be the standard in observing the Adyghe khabze - what was forgiven to the commoner was not forgiven to the nobleman in the sense of violating the norms of the Adyghe khabze. The noble class itself was not closed and was replenished from among the peasantry at the expense of those who showed personal courage during the war and were fluent in Adyghe khabze.
At the same time, any Wark in case of violation of the norms of Circassian etiquette, according to custom, could be deprived of the title of nobility. Thus, the title of nobleman imposed many responsibilities on a person and did not in itself give him any privileges.
A nobleman could be a person who leads an appropriate lifestyle and observes the norms of behavior inherent in this rank. As soon as he ceased to correspond to the place he occupied in society and to comply with the norms associated with this status, he was immediately deprived of his noble title. In the history of the Circassians there were many cases when they were even deprived of their princely title.
The princes who headed the nobility were considered guardians and guarantors of observance of Circassian customs. Therefore, from childhood, during their upbringing, much attention was paid not only to military training, but also to no less extent to the study and assimilation of the norms of the Adyghe khabze. The princes had the exclusive right to levy fines for insult to dignity, which they could impose on any subject, including a nobleman. At the same time, an insult to princely dignity was understood as any violation of etiquette rules committed by someone in the presence of the prince. So, for example, paragraph 16 of the records of the customary law of Kabardians, made by Ya. M. Shardanov, read: “If two people, no matter whose they are, in the person of the prince, fight on the street, in the yard, in the house, then the instigator of the fight pays a fine to the prince one servant for failure to observe decency towards the prince for daring to fight in front of him"
The reason for the fine could be any manifestation of disrespect for Circassian etiquette, for example, an indecent word or expression, especially in the company of women.
By the way, the princess had the same right to punish women, including noblewomen, by imposing a fine. Fines usually consisted of a certain number of bulls, which were immediately confiscated from the household of the offending person in favor of the prince. To perform these police functions, the princes constantly had so-called beigoli. The Beigol class was replenished at the expense of serfs, since not only for nobles, but also for free peasants, performing such functions was considered reprehensible. Adyghe etiquette - Adyghe khabze, as already noted, lay at the foundation, was the foundation of the so-called uerk khabze - noble etiquette. Uerk khabze was distinguished by a more strict organization and demands on its speakers. In addition, it reflected the norms of relationships within the ruling class, in particular, the norms governing the relationship between overlord and vassal. In the 18th–19th centuries, the Circassians were divided according to the principle of political structure into two categories: “aristocratic” and “democratic”. The first included the Kabardians, Besleneevtsy, Temirgoyevtsy, Bzhedugs and some other ethnic divisions, whose feudal hierarchy was headed by princes. The Shapsugs and Abadzekhs did not have princes, but only nobles, who, as a result of the so-called “democratic coup,” lost their political privileges. Nevertheless, in terms of observing those numerous and scrupulous relationships that distinguished Circassian etiquette, the Shapsugs and Abadzekhs were the same “aristocrats” as the Kabardians, Besleneyevites, Temirgoyevites and others. The customs, manners, costume, weapons and horse harness of the Circassians became a role model for their closest neighbors. They were so strongly subject to the knightly and aristocratic influence of the Circassians that the ruling strata of neighboring peoples sent their children to them to be raised so that they could learn Circassian manners and way of life
The Kabardians, whom some researchers called the “French of the Caucasus,” were especially successful in improving and punctually observing uerk khabze. “The noble type of a Kabardian, the elegance of his manners, the art of carrying weapons, the peculiar ability to behave in society are truly amazing, and one can distinguish a Kabardian by his appearance alone,” wrote V. A. Potto.
K. F. Stahl noted in his work: “Greater Kabarda had a huge influence not only on all Circassian peoples, but also on the neighboring Ossetians and Chechens. The Kabardian princes and nobility were famous for their equestrianism, courage, panache in attire, politeness in manner and were for other Circassian peoples a role model and competition."
The chivalric code of Uerq Khabze can be divided into several key guidelines, including the following concepts:
1. Loyalty. This concept implied, first of all, loyalty to one’s overlord, as well as to one’s class group. The nobles served the princes from generation to generation.
The change of overlord cast a shadow on the reputation of both sides and was considered a great disgrace.
The nobles remained faithful to their prince, even if the latter was defeated in an internecine struggle and moved to other nations. In this case, they accompanied the prince and left their homeland with him. True, the latter circumstance caused discontent among the people and they tried to keep the nobles from relocating. During the battle, the nobles each fought next to their prince, and if the prince died, they had to carry his body from the battlefield or die.
The concept of "loyalty" also included devotion to one's relatives and respect for parents. The father's word was law for all family members, just as the younger brother unquestioningly obeyed the elder. The nobleman was obliged to maintain family honor and take revenge on anyone who would encroach on the life and honor of members of his family.
2. Politeness. This concept included several provisions:
– Respect for superiors in the social hierarchy. According to the Circassians, respect, regardless of the difference in position in the social hierarchy, must be mutual. The nobles served their prince and showed him certain signs of respect. The lowest categories of nobility, the so-called pshicheu, being the prince's bodyguards and squires, served him daily in domestic life. At the same time, according to N. Dubrovin, “for the most part, refined politeness and mutual respect were observed on both sides.”
– Respect for elders. Each older person had to show signs of attention according to Circassian etiquette: stand up when he appears and not sit down without his permission, do not speak, but only respectfully answer questions, fulfill his requests, serve at the table during meals, etc. Moreover, all these and other signs of attention were provided regardless of social origin. In this regard, F. Tornau reported the following: “The highlanders have a higher rank in the dormitory. A young man of the highest origin is obliged to stand in front of every old man without asking his name, give way to him, not sit down without his permission, remain silent in front of him, briefly and respectfully answer his questions. Every service rendered to a gray-haired man is honored. Even an old slave is not completely excluded from this rule. Although a nobleman and every free Circassian do not have the habit of standing in front of a slave, I have often seen how. They seated with them at the table a gray-bearded slave who came to Kunatskaya."
- Respect for a woman. This position meant, first of all, respect for the mother, as well as respect for the female sex in general. Each knight considered it an honor to fulfill the request of a girl or woman, which was reflected in the untranslatable Circassian proverb: “TSIyhubz psherykh khushchane.” This expression has several semantic shades, one of which means that it is impossible for a man not to respect a woman’s request. It was considered a great shame to draw a weapon in the presence of a woman or, conversely, not to sheathe it immediately upon her appearance.
If a nobleman, in the presence of a woman, accidentally allowed himself an indecent word, then, according to custom, he had to make amends by presenting her with some valuable gift.
Among the Circassians, a woman could neither be the object nor the perpetrator of blood feud. Encroachments on a woman’s life were unknown to the Circassians (inf. Kh. Kh. Yakhtanigov).
It was considered a great shame for a man, including a husband, to raise his hand against a woman.
“Among the Circassians,” reports Khan-Girey, “the treatment of a husband with his wife is also based on strict rules of decency. When a husband hits or showers his wife with abusive words, he becomes an object of ridicule...”.
An attempt on the honor of a mother, wife or sister, in the concept of the Circassians, was the strongest insult that could be inflicted on a man. If murder cases could be settled by paying the price of blood, then such attacks on a woman’s honor usually ended in bloodshed.
– The concept of “politeness” included respect for any person, including strangers. The nature of this respect was apparently generated, as in all nations that have created etiquette, from two main factors: first, he who showed respect and attention to another person had the right to demand the same treatment on his part; secondly, every person, being constantly armed, had the right to use weapons to defend his honor. Many authors and travelers who visited the Caucasus rightly believed that the politeness and respect that were characteristic of the everyday relationships of the Circassians were, to a certain extent, generated by the “pacifying” role played by the universal armament of the people.
It should be noted that for the Circassians and the etiquette they created, social servility was absolutely alien - their entire etiquette was based on a highly developed sense of personal dignity. This circumstance was noted by J. A. Longworth, who wrote: “However, this humility, as I soon discovered, was combined in them with complete independence of character and was based, like all ceremonial nations, on self-respect when others carefully measure the degree of respect that they demand for themselves."
Even the princes who stood at the head of the feudal hierarchy could not demand from their subordinates excessive displays of attention, associated, on the one hand, with personal self-abasement, and on the other, with ascension and veneration of princely dignity.
In the history of the Circassians, there were cases when the excessive pride and vanity of individual princes turned against them not only other princes, but also the entire people. Usually this led to the expulsion, destruction or deprivation of princely dignity of such people.
This happened, for example, with the Kabardian princes Tokhtamyshev, who at a national meeting were deprived of their princely title and transferred to the estate of nobles of the 1st degree (dyzhynynygue).
The Kabardians had the following custom: if a prince was driving along the road, then the person who met him had to turn around and accompany him until he let him go *.
So, the Tokhtamyshev princes, in their arrogance and vanity, went so far as to force the heavily loaded carts of the peasants to turn and follow them for several miles.
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* However, this rule had to be observed in relation to every older person. In relation to princes, it was observed regardless of age.
At the end of the 17th or beginning of the 18th century, according to J. Pototsky, the destruction of the princely family of Chegenukho took place in Kabarda. “Genealogy says only that the family was destroyed because of its pride: but here is what has been preserved in legends about this: The heads of this family did not allow other princes to sit down before them. They did not allow the horses of other princes to be watered with the water of the same rivers or, at least, upstream from the place where their own horses were drinking. When they wanted to wash their hands, they ordered the young prince to hold a basin in front of them. They considered it above their dignity to attend “pokis,” or meetings of princes. all this happened. At one of these general meetings they were condemned to destruction.
The judges took on the role of executors of the sentence they themselves passed."
In the “Brief Historical and Ethnographic Description of the Kabardian People,” compiled in 1784, the same event was reported: “This generation was especially respected in Kabarda. The eldest of them formed the clan of the autocratic owner, but at the end of the last century, out of hatred for him other princes, not tolerating his pride, hatched a conspiracy, and they destroyed this tribe even down to the baby."
A feature of the Circassian mentality was respect for personal dignity and personal freedom and the pronounced individualism associated with them. This, apparently, was one of the reasons that democracy was highly characteristic of their political structure and there were few prerequisites for the establishment of tyranny or dictatorship. This democracy was manifested even in the military sphere. In particular, F.F. Tornau wrote about this: “According to Circassian concepts... a man must think over and discuss each enterprise in a mature manner, and if he has comrades, then subordinate them to his opinion not by force, but by word and conviction, since everyone has his own free will ".
Despite the existence of a developed class hierarchy, veneration for rank was extremely abhorrent to the free spirit of the Circassians. One of the heroes of the story by A.-G. Kesheva expressed his rejection of this, figuratively speaking, “padishahism,” as follows: “Dignity and good origin everywhere they are held in high esteem - there is no argument against that, but in no case should one worship them or endure any kind of insult from them. Noble custom shows each Circassian his proper place, lets him know what he can do and what he cannot do. There is no place among the Circassians who wants to become higher than everyone else, who wants to make his will a law for others. Everyone will notice such a person, everyone will strive, as it were, to clip his wings. And even if he has a strength equal to thunder, if he has a hundred heads on his shoulders, sooner or later, he will break his neck."
The concept of “politeness” included such Uerk Khabze norms as the prohibition of swearing, swearing, assault and other forms of hostility that, in the opinion of the Workers, were worthy only of plebeians.
This rule is reflected in the popular proverb: “Hye dzhafe banerkym, uerk huanerkkym” - “The hound does not bark, the nobleman does not swear.” S. Bronevsky reports: “Circassians do not tolerate rude and abusive words; otherwise, princes and uzdeni challenge their equals to a duel, and an unnoble person of lower rank or a commoner is killed on the spot. Kabardians always observe politeness in their treatment among themselves, commensurate with veneration of rank; – and no matter how ardent they are in their passions, they try to moderate them in conversation..."
Moreover, according to Khan-Girey, “it is worthy of note that all these rituals of politeness are observed even when princes and nobles hate each other, even when they are obvious enemies, but if they happen to meet in such a place, where the laws of decency keep their weapons inactive, for example, in the house of a prince or nobleman, in the presence of women, at congresses of the nobility and similar cases, where decency forbids drawing weapons, and the enemies themselves remain within the boundaries of politeness and even often treat each other differently helpfulness, which is called noble (that is, noble) hostility or enmity, but then these enemies are the most ferocious bloodsuckers where they can freely draw their weapons, and even more so their politeness does them honor, and the people have great respect for them for that ".
Not only was swearing or swearing considered indecent, but even speaking in a raised voice, giving in to emotions, was impermissible for representatives of the upper classes. “The Circassian nobleman flaunted his politeness,” wrote N. Dubrovin, “and it was only necessary for the heated bridle, who had forgotten decency and politeness, to ask: are you a nobleman or a serf? - in order, recalling his origin, to force him to change his tone from rude to softer and more delicate ".
Talkativeness was also considered indecent, especially for a prince. Therefore, when receiving guests, “one of the nobles always had to engage the guests in conversation, because the decorum did not allow the prince himself to talk much.”
The Temirgoy princes even introduced the following custom: “... in general, during important negotiations with neighboring peoples or during internecine strife, they themselves do not enter into verbal disputes, and their nobles, to whom affairs are entrusted, explain themselves in the presence of the princes.” Khan-Girey calls this custom wonderful, “for it, keeping litigants, so to speak, from the frenzy into which they often fall during strong debates, maintains silence at congresses.”
The concept of “politeness” can also include such a quality as modesty. N. Dubrovin wrote: “Brave by nature, accustomed from childhood to fighting danger, the Circassians highly disdained self-praise. The Circassians never spoke about their military exploits, never glorified them, considering such an act indecent. The bravest horsemen (knights) were distinguished with extraordinary modesty; they spoke quietly, did not boast of their exploits, were ready to give way to everyone and remain silent in an argument; but they responded with weapons with the speed of lightning, but without threat, without shouting and scolding."
Indeed, the Circassians have many proverbs and sayings glorifying modesty and condemning boasting: “Shkhyeshchytkhure kerabg’ere zeblag’eshch” - “A braggart and a coward are relatives”, “LIy khahuer utykum shoshchaberi, liy shaber utykum shokIy” - “A brave husband stands in public soft ( behaves modestly), the cowardly becomes loud in public."
“Uerk ischIe iIuetezhyrym” - “A nobleman does not boast of his exploits.” According to Circassian etiquette, it was considered especially indecent to boast about one’s exploits in the presence of women, which is reflected in the proverb: “Liym i lIyger leggunem shiIuaterkym” - “A man does not talk about his deeds in the company of women.” According to the Circassians, people should talk about a person’s courage, but not he himself: “UIme, ui shkhye uschymytkhyu, ufIme, zhyler kypschytykhunsch,” “If you are a man, don’t boast, if you are good, people will praise you.”
The right to perpetuate and glorify the hero’s exploits belonged exclusively to folk singers - jegaco. As a rule, this was done after the death of the hero by composing a great song in his honor. When a nobleman was asked to talk about some event, he, as usual, tried to omit in his narration those places in which his actions in a given situation were reported or, in extreme cases, he spoke about himself in the third person, so as not to suspected of immodesty. Here is what Zaramuk Kardangushev, an expert in Adyghe folklore, reports about this: “In the old days, the Circassians considered it a disgrace when a person said about something accomplished: “happened to me,” “I did it.” This was impermissible. “I hit,” “I killed,” etc. .d. - a real man will never talk about himself. In extreme cases, if he has to talk about some incident, he will say: “The gun in his hand fired - the man fell.” “No, it all happened by itself.”
In April 1825, the tsarist troops destroyed the village of the fugitive Kabardian prince Ali Karamurzin. When Prince Atazhukin Magomed (Khyet1ohushchokue Myhyemet 1eshe) was asked to tell how he took revenge on one of the culprits of the death of the village, the traitor Shogurov, he answered briefly: “Erzhybyzhyr guueg’uasch, Shoguryzhyr gueg’ashch” - “Erejib* the old one thundered, the vile Shogurov roared ".
3. Courage. The concept of “courage” included such provisions as:
- Bravery. This quality was mandatory for a worker; it was inextricably linked with his status.
Cowardice, in turn, is incompatible with the position of a free person, and especially a nobleman. If a peasant showed cowardice, then he would certainly be condemned for this, but he could not be lowered below the place he occupied in the social hierarchy. In contrast, a Wark who showed cowardice was deprived of his noble title. A knight caught in cowardice was subjected to civil death, which, as Khasan Yakhtanigov told us, the Adygs denoted by the term “une demykhye, hyede imykh” (lit.: to whom they do not enter the house, in whose funeral they do not participate). Friends stopped communicating with such a person, not a single girl would marry him, he could not take part in public meetings and in general in the political life of his people and community.
For a general demonstration of popular contempt in the old days, according to Sh.
According to other sources, this cap was worn by the mother of the guilty person until he atoned for his guilt by some feat. It's your-
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*Erejib - erzhyb - a brand of flintlock Caucasian gun, named after the master.
The local "coward's cap" was called pIyne. Folklore also mentions a special dress - kerabge jane (coward's shirt), which performed a similar function.
A warrior who showed cowardice could atone for his guilt before society only by accomplishing a feat or by dying. Until this time, his entire family was in mourning. Those around the wife of the disgraced warrior expressed sympathy, as a sign of which they expressed good wishes: “Ui lIym i naper t’em khuzh ischIyzh” - “May God restore the honor of your husband.”
- Firmness and composure. This provision implied that the worker in any situation had to maintain composure, be calm, and never succumb to panic and fear. Folklore evidence has been preserved of how the Karmov workers were demoted in the class hierarchy by transferring from the primary nobles (dyzhynynygue) to the class of secondary nobles (beslen uerk). Here is what folklore says about this: “Karmekhe zhyndum kyigashteri, lIakuelIeshim kykhadzyzhasch” - “Karm’s owl scared him, for this he was expelled from the tlekotleshes.”
Although the folklore version is more of an anecdotal nature and most likely is not historically accurate, nevertheless, such a production is curious in itself. Indeed, according to historical evidence and some folklore data, the Karmovs were nobles of the 1st degree, but not Tlecotleshas, but dezhenugos, and were indeed transferred to the class of minor nobles. The reason was that they refused to kill the Crimean soldiers who were stationed with them and helped them escape during their general massacre. The Karmovs did not do this not out of cowardice, but because of the kinship relationship they had with the Crimean khans. One of their daughters, according to legend, was married in the Crimean Khanate. After the defeat and destruction of the Crimean Tatar army at a people's meeting, the Kabardians apparently made this decision.
– Patience and endurance. These qualities were brought up in a nobleman with early childhood. A true wark knight had to be stronger than his natural human weaknesses. Complaints about fatigue, malaise, cold, heat, hunger, and even any mention of tasty and healthy food were considered a shame and condemned.
The Circassians have many legends that describe and praise perseverance and patience. So, they say, Andemyrkan, who began his equestrian life at the age of 15, had the following custom: when he had the chance to be on guard or guard horses, even in winter, in the most severe frost, he spent the whole night standing in one place and without closing his eyes. For this he was given the nickname Cheshchane - Tower...
REMOTIVATION OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTIONS AND MOVEMENTS
The remotivation of customs and rituals is perhaps one of the most significant ethnic universals. V. Wundt drew attention to this at one time: “...Custom... in its development undergoes such changes that give it a different meaning, he wrote. As a result of this change, mainly two transformations occur. The first transformation consists in the disappearance of the original mythical motive, which is no longer replaced by another motive: the custom continues to exist only by virtue of an associative exercise, and at the same time it loses the character of compulsion, and the external forms of its manifestation become less stable. During the second transformation, the place of the original mythical-religious ideas is taken by moral and social goals. But both types of transformations can be closely combined in the same case, and even if some custom does not directly serve one or another social purpose, such as, for example, some rules of decency, politeness, rules of how to dress, there are, etc. etc., then he indirectly creates such a goal for himself, since the existence of some norms generally binding for members of society supports life together and thereby contributes to joint spiritual development” (Wundt, 1897, 358).
W. Wundt's judgments in this case are somewhat contradictory (for example, while postulating the possibility of the existence of unmotivated customs, he immediately denies it). This is the result of the inconsistency of his general psychological views. But, in general, the trend in the development of custom is certainly captured correctly. Particularly noteworthy is the remark about the creation of new and indirect goals for actions and movements that fall under the category of rules of decency and politeness. It is in this plane that, it seems to us, we should consider remotivation of the entire sphere of ritualized communicative actions and movements.
Among the Circassians, as well as among other peoples, it covers greetings and farewells, toasts and wishes, ritual communication, the practice of secondary, metaphorical names of people by word, to one degree or another, the entire sphere of traditional everyday culture of communication. Magical and semi-magical acts are thus transformed into symbols of friendship and unity, decorum and tact, respect and veneration, and in this secularized form are enshrined in etiquette. But at the same time, as was said, they retain their external form (technique of execution) in whole or in part. And she, as you know, is quite complex and intricate in herself. Take, for example, the technique of designating relatives by property. For a daughter-in-law, it is determined by a whole system of prescriptions for the secondary name of mother-in-law, father-in-law, brothers-in-law, sister-in-law, husband, children. This type of prescription also exists for the mother-in-law, the husband, and other persons within the kinship group.
This custom is motivated in all cases by the need for mutual respect and veneration. Meanwhile, it is magical in origin. Losing their original motivation, turning into symbols of decency, communicative actions and movements appear in the perception of the members of the ethnos themselves, but especially in the perception of outside observers, even more intricate, in other words, redundant (in terms of the pragmatics of communication). If we now consider all this in reverse order - emphasized redundancy, motivated by decency, respect, veneration, then we get courtly communication as the norm, as a rule of interaction and, therefore, courtly etiquette.
Of course, the courteous communication of the Circassians is not based on secularized actions and movements alone. A number of other factors operate in this direction: the taboo on boasting, the veneration of the female sex, etc. But the remotivation of communicative actions played a role, as we will see, special role in the formation of Adyghe etiquette and, above all, in terms of supplying it with courtly content, extending its influence both to psychology and to the technique of communication.
And the last thing that needs to be said here. In contrast to the principles discussed above, the principle of remotivation of communicative actions is latent, that is, it is almost not recognized as such by the bulk of the population. Its presence and influence on etiquette is revealed as a result of a special analysis of communication standards in terms of their genesis. Nowadays, no one perceives the formula for expressing gratitude Theraze kyphukhu as a prayer, as an appeal to God (Their arezy kyphukhu - may God be favorable to you), this connection is lost, repressed from consciousness, just as in the Russian environment the connection between the word “thank you” is lost ” and the prayer phrase “God bless.”
HOSPITALITY OF THE ADIGES
There are a lot of incompatible phenomena social life, and among them chivalry and stinginess. The knights of medieval France, Germany, Spain, Japan, just like the knights of feudal Circassia, subjected them to ridicule and expelled from their society anyone who was barely suspected of stinginess. Generosity is one of the most important points of any knightly etiquette.
The exceptional generosity of the Circassians has always attracted the attention of researchers, as can be judged by the statements of a number of Circassian and foreign authors of the 19th century: “If a worker sees a good dress, hat or other thing on the owner and wishes to have this thing, then the owner has no right to refuse it.” (Nogmov, 195B, 87). “...Circassians are not at all embarrassed to ask for what they like, and it would be funny to refuse them, since anyone has every right to ask for what they have” (Marigny, p. 309). “You just have to praise a chekmen, a horse or another thing, the Circassian immediately gives it to you” (Steel, 1900, 133). “Generosity and courage are the best means for the Circassians to gain fame...” (Khan-Girey, 1974, 298). It should be noted that to this day this quality is held in high esteem among the Circassians. There are also frequent cases when a person who has praised a hat, tie, book, etc. immediately receives these things as a gift from the owner. On a bus, taxi, restaurant, every man is in a hurry to pay for his friends and acquaintances. If someone is asked to borrow a small amount of money, he gives it back readily and considers it indecent to accept it back...
The generosity of the Circassians and other Caucasian and non-Caucasian peoples finds its highest embodiment in the custom of hospitality, in this, as L. Morgan puts it, “a wonderful adornment of humanity in an era of barbarism” (Morgan, 1934, 34).
The hospitality of the Circassians is widely known and described in both pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary literature (See: Interiano, pp. 50-51, Motre, 130-132; Lopatinsky, 1862, 80-82; Dubrovin, 1927; Gardanov, 1964; Kodzhesau, 1968; Mambetov, 1968, etc.). It, as L. Ya. Lullier first noted, should not be confused with the kunachism, the right of patronage and protection. It consists “of receiving and treating visitors and passers-by who stop to rest or spend the night in the house of a friend or even a complete stranger” (Lullier, 1859, 33; See also: Naloeva, 1971).
Because detailed characteristics of this social institution already exists (especially in the indicated works of V.K. Gardanov and G.Kh. Mambetov), we will touch here only on some aspects of the phenomenon of hospitality, mainly those that are related to the general focus of the book.
Hospitality, as you know, is a custom that dates back to ancient times. It was and remains, to one degree or another, a custom of all peoples of the globe. However, the question of the genetic roots of this ethnic universal remains open: some scientists interpret it incorrectly, others (by the way, the majority of them) completely bypass it.
Let us note from the very beginning that explanations such as “the general penchant for knightly wanderings naturally produced a universal respect for hospitality” (Bronevsky, 1823, 130), “it is based on universal human morality” (Shanaev, 1890) are not suitable for this case. Hospitality, presumably, arose in clan society, before the penchant for knightly wanderings, and it was not based on universal morality in the spirit of Feuerbach. Nevertheless, some scientists cannot abandon such views (See, for example, Taylor, 1882, 404; Chursin, 1913, 64; Magomedov, 1974, 288-289).
There is also a concept that declares hospitality to be a product of magic and religion. If desired, some reasons for this can be found. Among the ancient Indians, for example, hospitality is represented in the form of one of the varieties of sacrifice, cf. “Teaching sacrifice to Brahma, tarpana sacrifice to ancestors, homa to the gods, offering pain to spirits, hospitality sacrifice to people” (Laws of Manu, 1960, 59). The essence of the last sacrifice is in instructions like: “The arriving guest should be given a place to sit, water, and also food as much as possible, seasoned [it] properly. A guest who comes after sunset should not be kicked out by the owner, whether he arrived on time or at the wrong time, let him not remain in his house unfed" (Laws of Manu, 1960, 61-62).
L. Lévy-Bruhl, touching on the issue of hospitality and the custom of giving gifts to a guest, is essentially inclined to this point of view. Following a number of scientists who observed the life and culture of peoples at a low level of social development, he believes that the host’s cordiality and kindness are explained “first of all by the fear of opening the field of action to bad influence... Refusal causes anger in the person asking. This causes bad intentions, a hostile disposition (close to envy), which, once awakened, already has its own power and gives rise to evil. But this should be absolutely avoided” (Lévy-Bruhl, 1937, 74).
It is easy to notice that the named sacred and semi-sacred motives of hospitality are close to those that now guide representatives of all peoples of the world, even the most civilized ones. In this regard, Lévy-Bruhl is, of course, right, but it is difficult to agree that they (these motives) were original and not derived from any other. We mean a motive that should have developed on the basis of collective ownership practiced in the era of primitive communism. The consciousness that everything that society has is at the same time yours could not exist without the consciousness that “mine is at the same time social.”
This is where the extraordinary generosity and hospitality of some peoples comes from. Hence the striking similarity in the general contours of hospitality. We find the hospitality of the Circassians and other Caucasian peoples in almost the same form in which it was recorded among the ancient Jews, Germans, Spaniards, and Indians. The following description of hospitality among the Indians can also be applied to the Circassians: “If someone entered the house of an Indian in any Indian village, be it a fellow villager, a fellow tribesman or a stranger, the women of the house were obliged to offer him food. Neglecting this would be impolite, moreover, an insult. If the guest was hungry, he ate; if he was full, politeness required that he taste the food and thank the hosts. The same picture was repeated in any house he entered at any time of the day. This custom was observed extremely strictly, and the same hospitality was extended to strangers, both members of their own tribes and strangers” (Morgan, 1934, 31).
Judging by biblical legends reflecting the period of the XV-XVII centuries. BC e., the ancient Jews were no less hospitable than the Indians. They invited unknown strangers into the house, let them wash, set the table with food, and as a sign of respect for the guests, they did not sit with them, “but stood nearby, pushing food and drink towards them” (See Kosidovsky, 1965, 51). Just like the inhabitants of feudal Circassia, they considered it necessary to protect the honor and dignity of the guest by all possible means. Those who violated the rules of hospitality were punished in the most cruel way. (See The Legend of the Crime of the Sons of Benjamin).
L. Morgan is one of the first scientists to show that hospitality is a product of socio-economic relations of the early tribal system. “Explanations for the law of hospitality,” he writes, must be sought in collective land ownership, in the distribution of agricultural products, among households consisting of a certain number of families, and in the communist system of domestic life...” (Morgan, 1934, 41). Having accepted this point of view, we must, therefore, admit that the hospitality of the Circassians and the neighboring Caucasian peoples rested on the remnants of economic life characteristic of clan society.
Once arose, the custom of hospitality was gradually, to one degree or another, sanctified, specified, and justified by religion. “The Indians,” writes J. Heckevelder, believe that the “great spirit” created the earth and everything on it for the common good of people. He gave them a country rich in game, and he did it not for the benefit of a few, but for the benefit of all. All things were given to the sons of men for a common possession. Everything that lives on the earth, everything that grows on it, everything that lives in the rivers and waters flowing on the earth, all this was given to everyone together, and each person has the right to his share. This is the source of Indian hospitality, which is not a virtue, but a strict duty” (Quoted in Morgan, 1934, 33-34). Among the Circassians, as far as one can judge from the epic, hospitality was encouraged pagan gods. They themselves set an example of hospitality, inviting prominent people to their feasts. Receiving and treating a guest is one of the forms of acquiring psape. The latter must be understood not simply as goodness or virtue (See Shaov, 1975, 252), but as a special reaction of god (gods) to the actions of the owner, namely the reaction of favor and remission of sins. Psape is the antithesis of what the Circassians call guenykh - sin. Therefore, it is a sin to violate the principle of hospitality. It is not for nothing that Khan-Girey writes: “Circassians in general, when receiving guests, are confident that they are doing what is pleasing to the creator” (1836, 326).
Moreover, compliance with the principle of hospitality was strictly controlled by public opinion. Those who violated it were subjected to “trial and punishment” (Nogmov, 1958, 79), they “become the subject of popular contempt, honest people lose respect for them and are abhorred by their community, offensive reproaches meet them at every step...” (Khan-Girey, 1836, 325). And currently, the leading role in maintaining hospitality is played by the opinion of the public: neighbors, acquaintances, relatives, and the guests themselves.
The explicit model of Adyghe hospitality is unique and extremely complex; in the era of chivalry, it was redesigned and supplemented with completely new elements that were unusual for the hospitality of the tribal society. The studies available to date do not provide a complete picture of this. Therefore, it would be necessary to consistently, step by step, identify all the diversity of standards and attributes of communicative behavior related to a given social institution, which, as was said, is not typical for traditional ethnographic work. However, the list of points of Adyghe hospitality given below also does not pretend to be complete. It presents only the basic content of the rituals provided for by hospitality, but with an emphasis on thoroughness and detail in the description. For the same purpose, the list includes the corresponding proverbs; they, as is known, best reflect the external pattern and internal meaning of the traditional everyday culture of an ethnic group.
So, the main points of Adyghe hospitality are the following:
1. The guest is a sacred, inviolable person. He brings with him happiness and prosperity. Adygem heshch1e and sh1asesch - The Adygs have a favorite guest.
2. The custom of hospitality applies to all Circassians, regardless of their condition. “The poorest classes are just as hospitable as the higher ones, and a poor person, even a peasant, will treat him with whatever he can and feed the horses, and what he does not have himself, he will borrow from others.” (Steel, 1900, 135).
3. It is the duty of every Adyghe to invite to his home those who may need food and lodging. “Any stranger walking through the village, having met the first village resident, hears the traditional “eblag'e” welcome. He sincerely invites you into his home and treats you” (Kodjesau, 1968, 282).
4. The right of hospitality is enjoyed by old and young, rich and poor, man and woman, enemy and friend: Khyeshch1e sh1ale shchy1ekkym - A guest is never young; Khyesh1e lei shpekyim - There is no such thing as too many guests; Hyeshch1eu kyphuek1uame, ui zhaguegyuri nybzhyegushch - If you came as a guest, then your enemy is your friend.
5. A guest from distant lands enjoys the greatest honor. This explains the magnificent meetings and farewells of foreign travelers, who then spoke enthusiastically about the Adyghe hospitality.
6. At some distance from the residential building, each family builds a special guest house*** - heshch1eshch
* This and a significant part of all other proverbs used in the book are given from a two-volume edition of Adyghe proverbs: Kardangushev et al., 1965; Gukemukh et al., 1967.
** Bysym is the host of the guest, the owner of the house. Goes back to the ancient Iranian f "sumant, possessing livestock, cattle owner (Abaev, 1949, 74).
*** Previously, the wealthiest families even had two guest houses: kheshch1eshch - kunatskaya and kheshch1eshch zhyant1e - honorary kunatskaya. See about this: Lulye, 1859, 33. (Kunatskaya) and a hitching post nearby. In the kunatskaya there are always: tripod tables for treating guests, a bed, a carpet, a copper jug (kubgan) and a copper or wooden bowl for washing, a towel, and often musical instruments (shyk1e pshyné - violin, bzhyami - pipe). Weapons are usually hung on the walls of the kunatskaya. “Outside the courtyard, at a distance of fifty to one hundred steps, there is a hut for guests, in which they do not live and which is intended for guests. Even a poor Circassian never forgets to build a hut for guests in his yard” (Lapinsky, 1862, 62). “We dismounted from Indar-Ogly, who, together with his son Nogai, came out to meet us at the gates of his courtyard and took us to the guest room, where the walls were decorated with sabers, daggers, bows, arrows, pistols, guns, helmets and a large number of chain mails” ( Marigny, p. 307).
7. The doors of the kunatskaya are open at any time of the day or night. Any passerby can enter and sit there without asking the owners. “A guest who arrived at night could enter the guest house unnoticed by anyone, so the owner of the house was obliged to look into the guest house before going to bed. A horse tied to a hitching post could also indicate the arrival of a guest” (Mambetov, 1968, 231).
8. In case guests arrive, you must always have supplies of food.
9. Having seen the guest, the owner is obliged to go out to meet him and greet him with the formula f1ehjus apshchy, eblag'e - Come well, welcome. Other greeting formulas are not suitable for this case.
10. The rider is helped to dismount, holding the horse by the bridle and taking care of food for the latter.
11. The guests enter the kunatskaya first, everyone else follows them. Nowadays, due to the absence of a special guest house, the eldest man from among the hosts goes ahead to indicate the room that is intended for guests.
12. Having escorted the guest to the kunatskaya, you should help him take off his outer clothing, weapons and seat him in the place of honor.
13. Hosts do not sit down at the same time as the guest. Only after the latter’s urgent requests does the one who, in terms of age and status, is closest to the guest, sit down. If there are none, then no one sits down, everyone stands.
14. The guest is asked about his health, and, after some time, about the news.
15. It is forbidden to ask a guest for three days about who he is, where he is going, where he came from, for what purpose, for what time, where he is heading next, etc. “... the guest, if he wished, could maintain complete incognito" (Dubrovin, 1927, 8).
16. After three days, that is, after the guest had been given all the honors required by etiquette, the owner could ask what business he was busy with and how he could be useful to him. Bysym considered it his sacred duty to contribute to the achievement of the goals that the guest was pursuing.
17. It is unacceptable to leave a guest alone in the room. Neighbors, sons and daughters of the owner alternately come to him and greet him, but, as a rule, they do not sit down, but soon leave or stand, listening to the conversation of the elders, carrying out their instructions. “Between arrival and dinner, neighbors appear with greetings; it would be inconsiderate to leave a guest alone in the living room. The owner’s daughter also comes to visit and they always bring her a dish of fresh or dry vegetables, depending on the time of year; the guest invites her to sit down and after a short conversation she leaves” (Lhulier, 1859.34).
18. The table should be set as quickly as possible with the best of what is in the house. While the main meal is being prepared, the guest is offered fruit, cheese and pasta (hard-cooked millet porridge), etc. Then meat dishes usually follow in this order: fried meat (ly gezhya), chicken in sauce (dzed lybzhye), boiled lamb or beef ( hyeshch1enysh). The meal ends with meat broth, which is drunk from wooden bowls no spoons. As for alcoholic drinks, they serve makhsyme, a type of mash made from millet. Each dish is served on small tripod tables. “...Soon dinner was served on fifteen small tables, which replaced each other as we tried the dishes on them” (Marigny, p. 307); “...Following the washing, a row of low round tables filled with food” (Tornau, 1864, 418).
19. Before eating, the guest is asked to wash his hands. At the same time, the wife, son or daughter of the owner brings a bowl to the guest, pours water on his hands from the kubgan and holds a clean towel ready. All this is done right there in the kunatskaya, so the guest does not even have to get up from his seat.
20. When other needs are satisfied, the guest is accompanied by one of the family members, shows him the guest restroom and returns with him. There is always a cup with water in the guest restroom, and often a towel and mirror hang there too.
21. At the table, the hosts make sure that the guest eats as much as possible and is satisfied.
22. It is considered tactless to eat your portion before the guest, since in this case the guest will also be forced to tear himself away from food. Hence the remark of T. de Marigny: “for a Circassian it is shameful to eat faster than a foreigner” (p. 296).
23. After the meal, the guest is served water again so that he can wash his hands.
24. Avoid arguing with the guest, if, of course, he behaves within the bounds of decency provided for by etiquette.
25. Decency requires that hosts not talk to each other in the presence of a guest.
25. To entertain the guest of honor, they invite neighbors and relatives appropriate to his age and rank, organize dances, games, sing songs, etc. “ The best singers and the village musicians were present at the guest's reception. Dances were organized for the young guest, and for the noble traveler, horse racing, horse riding, target shooting, national wrestling, and sometimes hunting were organized. Everything was done that could glorify the village of the owner with whom the guest was staying” (Mambetov, 1968, 236-237).
27. Even a hint that the guest has stayed too long and it’s time for him to leave the house is completely excluded: Khyesh1e kashe shchy1eshchi, hyesch1e ishyzh shchy1ekym There is an invitation to the guest, but there is no sending the guest away.
28. While the guest is in the house, his outer clothing, if required, is cleaned and put in order. If a guest stays overnight, in the morning he finds his clothes washed and ironed.
29. Before going to bed, they help the guest take off his shoes and wash his feet (this was usually done by the owner’s daughter). This custom, most characteristic of the Abkhazians, disappeared among the Circassians already in the 19th century.
30. The sacred duty of the host is to protect the peace and protect the honor of the guest. If necessary, he fulfills this duty with weapons in his hands: Adyge and hyeshch1e bydap1e isch - Adyge is a guest in the fortress.
31. A guest who is about to leave is persistently asked to sit still, to stay overnight, for several days.
32. It is customary to give gifts to the most honored guests.
33. A guest leaving the house is helped to dress and mount a horse, holding the horse by the bridle and holding the left stirrup.
34. A guest sitting in the saddle is sometimes given a bowl of makhsym, the so-called stirrup shesyzhybzhye.
35. It is necessary to escort the guest to the edge of the village, at least beyond the gates of the estate... Guests arriving from afar, and especially foreigners, are escorted to their next destination or accompanied throughout the entire trip around the country.
36. Parting with the guest, he wishes him a happy journey, all the best and urgently asks him to come again.
37. After saying goodbye, the owner waits for the guest to move some distance away. It is indecent to turn around and immediately return to the house. This, so to speak, is the charter that determines the host’s behavior towards the guest. But there are also rules regarding the behavior of a guest in someone else's home. Some of them are designed to alleviate, to some extent, the inconvenience caused to the hosts, the other part records ways of demonstrating gratitude for a warm welcome;
38. The guest is the first to greet the host with the exclamation: Selam alaikum, daue fyschythe - Selam alaikum, how are you.
39. He surrenders entirely to the power of the owner, who strives to comply with all points of hospitality: ui unafesh - If you are visiting, what will they tell you the law for you; Khyesh1er melym nekh're nekh 1esesh - A guest is humbler than a sheep.
40. People condemn a guest who, for one reason or another, without accepting traditional honors from one owner, goes to another, for example, to a neighbor - Zi bysym zykhyuezhy chyts1ykhyu huauk1 - To the one who changes the owner, a kid [skinny] is slaughtered.
41. When visiting, you should not eat or drink a lot, so as not to be branded a glutton and a drunkard. “If a guy or an old man in a family goes to a wedding, then they feed him to his fill, saying “1enem utefisch1yhyu umyk1ue” - Don’t go to clear the table [on a visit] (AF, 1963, 214).
42. The guest is prohibited from the slightest interference in family affairs. It is considered tactless to get up from your seat unnecessarily, go out of the kunatskaya into the courtyard, or look into the kitchen where food is being prepared. “...during the entire stay in someone else’s house, the guest, according to the custom of the old days, remained as if chained to his place: getting up and walking around the room would not only be a departure from decency, but many of his compatriots would even consider it a crime” (Dubrovin , 1927, 8).
43. The guest should be well versed in how long he should stay in the kunatskaya, so as not to offend the owner for leaving quickly and not to become a burden to him for a long stay. “It is considered discourteous to stay with one owner for more than two nights, although the owner will not show anyone the door” (Lapinsky, 1862, 84). Hyeshch1ap1eryner emyk1ushch - It is indecent to linger at a party. Having finished the meal, the guest thanks the hosts in expressions like: Fi eryskyr ubague - May your food multiply.
44. It is considered desecration of the house to sort things out at a party, settle old scores, quarrel, abuse, etc. “... In cases of enmity and bloodshed, persons having enmity do not show each other feigned attention and politeness, but, on the contrary, show that They don’t notice each other and stay away from each other. All this is done naturally, without pretense or affectation” (Steel, 1900, 121).
45. It is absolutely unacceptable to insult the dignity of the members of the family you are staying with, for example, flirting with the host’s wife or daughter. In this regard, L. Ya. Lhuillier writes: “Often in such cases I looked closely at the external behavior of the mountaineers and found them decent and alien to any impudence” (1859, 34).
46. The guest does not demand services or gifts, and when they are offered to him, out of decency he refuses for a while.
47. The guest must refrain from praising certain things in the host’s house: this can be perceived as a request that, according to custom, cannot be refused, i.e., ultimately, as extortion.
48. When leaving the house, the guest is obliged to thank for the welcome and say goodbye to the older members of the family.
49. Before mounting the horse, the guest turns his head towards the house, which symbolizes his good mood and gratitude to the owners. “If the guests were dissatisfied with the owner, they mounted their horses with their backs to the owner’s yard, and if they were happy, then they turned the heads of their horses towards the owner’s yard...” (Kirzhinov, 1974, 172).
50. The guest (especially if he is young) refuses to be helped onto his horse or escorted beyond the gate. He does this even when he definitely knows that the owners will insist on their own.
The listed points of hospitality, of course, do not exhaust the entire content of this public institution. But as preliminary material for analysis (including comparative, typological analysis), they are quite suitable. We can, in particular, point out the following features of Adyghe hospitality.
In its general pattern, it coincides with the hospitality of peoples at the lower and middle stages of barbarism (Australian aborigines, Indians, etc.). This can only be explained by the identity of the forms of historical development of culture of all peoples of the globe. Among the Circassians, as well as among all other peoples, hospitality goes back to the “communist system of home life” characteristic of clan society (Morgan).
Retaining common features ancient, primitive hospitality, the hospitality of the Circassians of the era of feudalism acquired a completely different quality: it became an integral part, a constructive principle of chivalry in general and knightly etiquette in particular. “There are three qualities,” writes J. Longworth, which in these parts give a man the right to fame: courage, eloquence and hospitality; or...a sharp sword, a sweet tongue and forty tables” (Longworth, p. 516). Knightly etiquette made its own amendments to hospitality, supplemented it with completely new points, and, in essence, completely subordinated it to its principles. At the same time, for obvious reasons, it would be naive to believe that chivalry gave rise to hospitality.
Hospitality has always occupied an important place in the life of the Circassians. In the era of feudalism, it also became fertile ground for the formation and development of original knightly etiquette. And it’s not just the statute of hospitality itself. The place of this public institution in the traditional everyday culture of the Circassians and other Caucasian peoples was determined primarily by its social functions. Being a kind of epicenter of national and interethnic contacts, hospitality played a huge role in intensifying and optimizing communication within an ethnic group and beyond. It stimulated and facilitated the transmission of culture from one generation to another, thereby performing the function of integration and social control. Finally, hospitality contributed to the transmission and assimilation of the cultural values of other, especially neighboring, peoples. We can therefore agree that the kunatskaya is a kind of public institution that originally belonged to the entire community (Magomedov, 1974, 295). “Here for the first time... new heroic songs were performed, news was shared, young people learned songs, dances, politics, wisdom, history, knightly etiquette - everything that a young aristocrat, and in modern times a young Adyghe in general, needed. Kunatskaya was a restaurant, a concert hall, an office where political problems were solved, and a university for the younger generation” (Naloev, 1976).
Currently, having ceded its functions to other social institutions and institutions, hospitality has lost its former public importance. At the same time, it became less refined and magnificent, more flexible and generalized. And yet, despite this, the main points of Adyghe hospitality firmly hold their positions in the system of elements of the traditional everyday culture of the ethnic group.
REVERENCE FOR WOMEN
Shchyhubz psherykh khushchane - The loot (gift) is left to the woman. In the past, this proverb was very common among the eastern Circassians. It probably arose as a reflection (and the need to maintain) a custom according to which a man returning from a hunt or a military campaign or raid was supposed to give part of the spoils to a woman he met along the way. Then, as often happens, the meaning of the proverb expanded. It has become a concentrated expression of a chivalrous attitude towards a woman, realized in a number of communication standards fixed in etiquette. Help a woman in trouble, fulfill her every request if possible, protect her duty of honor to every man. People who know the life, culture, and national psychology of the Circassians well have observed this principle in action more than once. The one who violated it was condemned and severely punished, saying at the same time: And guegu myguem ezhen, ts1yhubz psherykh khushchane zhyhua1er psch1erke - Let you go on an unhappy journey, don’t you know what “Shchyhubz psherykh khushchane” is?
The question arises how this is consistent with the statements of some scientists about the almost complete lack of rights and humiliation of Adyghe women in the past. Of course, you can’t give a definite answer to this. One thing is clear: judgments of this kind, although not unfounded, are still, apparently, not sufficiently substantiated.
First of all, it should be noted that the traditions of matriarchy among the Circassians turned out to be very stable. The people still have images of the wise Satanei, the leader of the Narts, their adviser in all difficult matters, the intelligent and courteous Malechipkh, the female hero Lashin, and the bright-armed Adiyukh. The idea of honoring women runs through the entire Nart epic as a red line.
Judging by the statements of authors of the 7th-19th centuries, Adyghe women had great freedom in dealing with men. “They were sociable and kind... writes Olearius. Some even invited us to come into their homes.” (Olearius, p. 84). Ya. Ya. Streis (pp. 215-216) and P. G. Brus speak in the same spirit. “Their good humor and pleasant ease in conversation,” writes the latter, make them very desirable; despite all this, they are reputed to be very chaste...” (Bruce, p. 149).
Author early XIX century, Thébout de Marigny summed up his observations of the situation of women in Circassia as follows: “The fair sex here, although they are destined for a very hard life, are far from condemned, as, for example, among the Turks, to eternal seclusion. Girls especially are admitted to all the festivities, which they enliven with their playfulness, and their company is one of the best ways of relaxation for men, with whom the girls communicate with the greatest ease” (Marigny, p. 296).
In the late Middle Ages, it was widely believed among European and partly Asian countries that the women of feudal Circassia were the most beautiful in the world. This further increased the interest of scientists and travelers in their morals and social status, but at the same time gave rise to very contradictory judgments on this matter. In some sources they are presented as chaste and bashful, in others, on the contrary, immodest and wayward, and sometimes chaste and immodest at the same time. Messages of the second and third types are especially characteristic of authors of the 17th-18th centuries. (except for those mentioned above, see: Pallas, p. 221) and to a much lesser extent for the authors of the 19th century, which suggests a gradual change in relations between the sexes in a class society and the emergence of an increasing number of rules requiring a woman to be more restrained in behavior.
Nevertheless, among the Circassians to this day there are memories of the distant past, when women had great freedom in relations with men. True, facts of this kind in themselves cannot serve as evidence of veneration of the female sex; this was just the sanctioning of certain relationships (inherited from matriarchy), probably going beyond the scope of proper etiquette behavior. Etiquette establishes other standards of interaction that most directly indicate a respectful, polite and modest attitude towards a woman. They will be discussed later.
According to the customs of the Circassians, a man had to protect the woman in every possible way and help her. For example, if a woman was chopping wood, then every man passing by was obliged to offer his services. The same applies to all other cases when a woman does hard, “male” work. A woman’s request for help was usually fulfilled by a man unquestioningly (See: Khan-Girey, 1836, 315).
The greatest disgrace was to quarrel or curse in her presence. A woman could stop any actions of men, as soon as she was told: Shch'el'asch1em khyetyr i1ek'e - on myg'ue - A woman's headscarf (a woman) doesn't deserve respect (condescension) unless she touches the headscarf on her head with her right hand. 80-year-old P. Albotov from the village. Kakhun told us that in this way the wife of Prince Tausultanov forced her sons to abandon their firm intention to kill the man, who, as it later turned out, was falsely accused of the murder of their elder brother. A woman could resort to the same technique in many other situations of this type, for example, when it was necessary to shame men who behaved too familiarly.
As a result of our observations and inquiries, it was found that three forms of this standard of communication were practiced, which differed in intensity and force of influence on the addressee: 1) pronouncing the above formula, 2) pronouncing the formula while simultaneously touching the scarf, 3) throwing off the scarf. The most irreconcilable enemies would stop fighting if a woman tore off her scarf and threw it between them.
Circassian women appeared in society with an open face, shook hands with men freely and without coercion, and in some cases spoke at meetings and even went on raids together with horsemen. The same applies to Ossetian and especially Abkhaz women. They also had great rights in the family and outside it (See Kaloev, 1967, 186-189; Machivariani, 1884) and tirelessly defended them. K. Machivariani writes in this regard: “For a long time, the protection of family interests among the Abkhazians rested with the woman, who in all her affairs in this case walked hand in hand with women belonging to neighboring tribes: Circassians, Ubykhs and Dzhigets. The attempt to destroy various time-honored rights of women caused a series of unrest here, which always ended in victory female influence"(1884, 10).
It is known that the Circassians usually did not have more than one wife. Etiquette dictated being polite and courteous with her; It was considered a matter of honor for every man to create conditions under which his wife could dress decently and with taste. “When a husband hits or showers abusive words on his wife, writes Khan-Girey, he becomes an object of ridicule, just as if he, having the means, does not dress her according to his condition” (1836, 316) [Hence proverbs like Fyzym euer l1ymykhushchi , huer zymyder l1y delash - a man who beats his wife is a worthless man who doesn’t understand jokes, a fool; L1ykhur fyzdeubzeshi, l1ybzyr fyzdeueishch - A real husband is affectionate with his wife, a husband-woman beats his wife.].
The wife managed the household affairs and enjoyed great authority in the family. “Among the Shapsugs,” writes M. O. Kosven, the senior woman of patronymy was called “the bald gouache - the princess of the house,” all women of patronymy turned to her for advice, she was the main mistress of the patronymic family during weddings, funerals, funerals and etc., she was an obligatory adviser when choosing a bride or groom, etc.” (Kosven, 1963, 201).
If a husband oppressed his wife, she collected her things, went to her parents and returned only after assurances from her husband and his relatives that this would not happen again. Usually, “the husband’s treatment of his wife is modest and delicate,” testifies K. F. Stahl (1900, 128). It is impossible, however, to agree with his statement and at the same time Kucherov’s statement that Circassian girls do not have any opportunity to talk and explain with their suitors (See: Leontovich, pp. 172 and 117).
There were at least three possible explanations: 1) at festivities, during ballroom dancing; 2) during the sh1opshchak1ue ritual; 3) the groom’s visit to the girl’s house and conversation in separate room in the presence of third parties (usually sisters or girlfriends of the girl, friends of the groom). This visit is known among the Circassians under the names hydzhebzaplee, pselyyhu. “When a girl reaches marriageable age, write E. L. Kodzhesau and M. A. Meretukov, a special room is allocated for her, and parents consider it indecent to enter there. Young people can visit her there. A young man can even go to an unfamiliar girl and, if he likes her, ask for her hand in marriage” (1964, 137).
Guys also have a special room (or house) - legyune (room for friends). “Almost every evening young people gather in the lagoon and have fun dancing, singing, playing the violin or harmonica. Any young man who wants to have fun can go there, but girls come to the lagoon only by invitation” (Kodjesau and Meretukov, 1964, 143).
Under these conditions, some knightly elements of Adyghe etiquette were formed. A special place among them was occupied by various kinds of signs of attention to female representatives, as evidenced by Khan-Girey, A. Keshev and other Adyghe authors, who probably knew the life of the Circassians better than others and had a deeper understanding of their psychology. The first of them, in the ethnographic essay “Faith, Morals, Customs and Way of Life of the Circassians,” writes: “Young Circassians, having free relations with girls, have the opportunity to please each other and make their feelings clear” (Khan-Girey, 1974, 184). The second in the story “Scarecrow” brought out the image of the beautiful Adyghe girl Nazika and showed examples of chivalrous attitude towards the female sex, typical of the Adyghe people. Worshiping the beauty and kindness of Nazika, the young men give her various gifts and are ready to fulfill all her whims: “In the whole village there would not be a horseman who would not throw himself into fire and water at one word from her, and one of them would be considered unworthy of the name of a man.” “who would dare not to fulfill her sacred will” (A. Keshev, 1977, III). During the festivities, at which Nazika was invariably present, “there was no empty space left in the village from the visiting horsemen,” shots in her honor were constantly heard around the area, so that “the very sky was hidden behind the gunpowder smoke,” men “often grabbed their weapons, challenging each other for the honor of making two or three circles with her,” and the Geguakos praised the princess in the manner of the troubadours of Provence: “You are the beauty and pride of the Adyghe land... Your eyes are more beautiful than the brilliant stars in the blue sky. Your body is more flexible than the reeds that grow on the banks of the Belaya River. Happy is the young man who calls you his own. May Allah send happiness to your parents on earth, and when they die, may He open the gates of heaven for them. Don’t think, beauty, that I’m flattering you. My mother gave birth to me not to flatter, but to tell people the truth, and with my meager words to glorify the deeds of brave young men and the beauty of our girls. Well, dance, well done! Praise my Nazika with me to all corners of the world. Let Circassian girls imitate her in everything, and let the young men yearn for her” (Keshev, 1977, 112-113).
So as not to create the impression that this is a fiction peculiar to works of art, let us refer to the testimony of F. Tornau, an officer of the Russian troops, who, as was said, was in captivity among the Kabardians for about two years and learned their language: “The Circassians do not hide girls; they do not wear veils, are in male company, dance with young people and walk freely among guests; therefore, everyone could see her (meaning Aiteka Kanukova’s sister B.B.) and, having seen her, glorify her beauty” (Tornau, 1864, 38).
J. Longworth speaks in the same spirit. He considers it necessary to point out the “weak, in his opinion, touch of chivalry” that is found in the attitude of men towards women and in support of this he cites the following facts: “At festivals, young people have a custom, raising a cup with a buza with a toast in honor of the chosen one of their hearts, to defuse shotgun or pistol in the air. The challenge is immediately accepted by those who have a charge of gunpowder... to assert in the same manner the superiority of their own passions. Another custom that exists here is to take part in a race for a prize, which is in the hands of a beautiful mademoiselle and is a decorated pistol holster, the work of her delicate fingers” (Longworth, p. 574). Similarly, at races held during funerals, young men “challenge the prizes in order to present their prize to the lady as a tribute to her beauty” (Bess, p. 345).
Among the examples of chivalry is the above-mentioned custom of standing up at the sight of a woman. It should be noted that even now it is strictly observed in Adyghe villages. Respectable old men of eighty, ninety, or even a hundred years old rise decorously when women who are not even thirty pass along the street.
Finally, until very recently, a custom observed back in the 19th century was preserved. J. de Bessom (p. 346), according to which a horseman, having met a woman on the way (in the field), dismounted and accompanied her to her destination, leaving his business for a while, no matter how important they were. At the same time, he held the reins in his left hand, and the woman walked on the right side of honor.
I think that the examples given are enough to shake the idea of the complete lack of rights and humiliation of Adyghe women in the past.
Of course, the thesis about their dependent position cannot be denied entirely. Indeed, in the family, as a rule, the husband dictated his terms, although he was not the undivided master. But in most cases this is only an appearance: the wife shows her husband outward signs of respect and submission; this is the custom, but in fact the woman managed the affairs of the family, and in this regard, her position resembles that of Japanese woman(See Ovchinnikov, 1975, 63). Observation of modern Kabardian families, in which the best traditions of the Adyghe Khabze are maintained, indicate the same. We see that very often the wife’s opinion turns out to be decisive when the question is about building a house, marrying a son, enrolling him in an educational institution, etc. As for other smaller problems, the husband does not interfere in them at all, he decides everything wife. The same is observed among the Adyghe people (Kodzhesau and Meretukov, 1964, 122).
We are also not inclined to deny that women did the hard work around the house, while men were less burdened with chores and had more free time [This applies especially to men belonging to the upper class. Compare: “The Circassian nobleman spends his life on horseback in thieves’ raids, in dealings with the enemy, or traveling to visit guests. At home, he spends the whole day, lying in the kunatsky, open to every passerby, cleaning weapons, straightening his horse harness, and most often doing nothing.” Tornau, 1864, 60.]. Indeed, this was the case in the 19th century. “The duty of a Circassian wife is difficult,” wrote Khan-Girey, she sews all her husband’s clothes, from head to toe; Moreover, the whole burden of household management lies with her” (1836.60).
Is it possible, however, following some scientists, to consider this as unconditional evidence of the humiliation of women? Clearly not. Let us remember what F. Engels wrote about this: “The division of labor between both sexes is determined not by the position of women in society, but by completely different reasons. Peoples whose women have to work much more than we think they should, often have much more genuine respect for women than our Europeans. A lady from the era of civilization, surrounded by seeming respect and alien to any real work, occupies an infinitely lower social position than a woman from the era of barbarism doing hard work...” (F. Engels, 1961, 53). In this regard, we can refer to a number of other scientists, for example, M. M. Kovalevsky (1939, 89-90), the modern Polish scientist M. Fritzhand (1976, 114).
It remains to be said that when considering the position of women in the pre-revolutionary past, this past is sometimes unjustifiably abstract. The pre-revolutionary past is measured in centuries, millennia, therefore each phenomenon within these limits must be considered specifically historically. The situation of Adyghe women in the 17th-18th centuries. is very different from its situation in the pre-revolutionary period of history. Since the first quarter of the 19th century. and for a whole century, women's social position steadily declined. In addition to socio-economic reasons (the development of feudalism, the beginnings of capitalist public relations), this was facilitated by the growing influence of the Muslim faith, propagated by Turkey, to all Muslim East. With the adoption of Islam, a woman lost some of her rights. This was one of the reasons for the ambivalent, contradictory attitude towards her, about which A. Keshev wrote: “Our highlander values a woman, although at the same time he oppresses her. Circassian enslaved her, reduced her to the level of a toy, following the example of the depraved East, but at the same time made her the subject of enthusiastic praise and songs1” (1977, 113). J. Bell concretized this idea: “The modern position and morals of Circassian women have arisen from a mixture of Turkish and Circassian customs, only it seems that the former predominates for married women, and the latter for unmarried women” (Bell, p. 503). Dubois de Montpere (1937, 47-48), N. Albov (1893, 138-139) and others write about the same thing.
One cannot ignore the fact that girls were freed from hard work in order to preserve their beauty and be more profitable to marry. “It should be noted,” writes T. Lapinsky, that while women are tortured by work, girls, both rich and poor, are very protected. They are freed from all household and field work [However, all women were freed from field work; they came here occasionally to help the men] work, they do only sewing...” (Lapinsky, 1862, 79).
And one more circumstance must be taken into account when considering the position of the Circassian woman in the past - her class affiliation. Women of the upper class, as a number of pre-revolutionary and especially post-revolutionary authors rightly noted, had much greater freedom in communication. This is quite natural and does not seem to require much explanation.
REVERENCE OF ELDERS
In the family and outside it, it greatly affects the communicative behavior of the younger ones. “Not only the son before the father, but also little brother does not dare sit in front of the elder and does not enter into conversation in the presence of strangers. Likewise, in conversations where elders meet in summer, young people do not dare speak loudly or laugh, but are obliged to answer modestly the questions asked of them” (Bronevsky, 1823, 123). These models, described by the famous Russian historian of the first half of the 19th century, were preserved among the Circassians almost unchanged and to this day act as instructions for behavior during a conversation. In general, older people, regardless of status and gender, are in a special position here, thanks to which old age finds protection from loneliness and ridicule. The German scientist of the last century, K. Koch, wrote in this regard: “While in our country, unfortunately, the state very rarely takes the elderly under protection, and they are completely dependent on younger generation Among the Circassians, old people are universally respected. Anyone who insults an old man or an elderly woman is not only subject to general contempt, but his act is discussed by the people’s assembly, and he bears punishment for it depending on the magnitude of the offense” (Koch, p. 591).
Young people are obliged to show modesty in the presence of elders; bragging, boasting and generally any lengthy speeches about one’s person are considered a gross violation of etiquette. A young man with all his appearance must express attention, respect for the elder, and readiness to carry out any of his instructions. This attitude eliminates the possibility of keeping your hands in your pockets, standing half-bent, sitting lounging, fidgeting in a chair, turning your back to others, scratching the back of your head, nose, smoking, chewing, resting your cheek or forehead with your hand; there are special polite and modest formulas for addressing elders, to express gratitude to them, the placement of elders and younger ones in space is subject to special rules, etc., etc. And one more detail: the elder, surrounded by the younger ones, can speak with almost complete confidence that his words will be listened to with attention and respect, even when they run counter to the actual state of affairs or to the plans and expectations of the younger ones. In short, in the regulation of communicative acts and movements, age-related roles occupy no less a place than social roles in the sense in which they are represented in American social psychology. (See Berlo 1960, 136). It is not for nothing that Russian army officer F. Tornau, who was held captive by the Kabardians for two years (1836-1838), wrote: “The highlanders place summers in the hostel above rank. A young man of the highest birth is obliged to stand before every old man without asking his name, to give him his seat, not to sit down without his permission, to remain silent before him, to answer his questions meekly and respectfully. Every service rendered to the gray haired man is given honor to the young man.
Even an old slave is not completely excluded from this rule” (Tornau, 1864, 419). It should be noted, however, that this is only a general rule. The class division of society introduced its own amendments to it. The old-timers sat down. Zayukovo (KBASSR) claim that before the revolution, at festivities, very often a beardless prince or nobleman was seated in a place of honor, and elders from the lower class did not even dare to stand next to them. Similarly, when meeting with the prince, peasants, regardless of their age, were obliged to dismount, “showing signs of respect for his dignity” (Khan-Gireyt 1836, 322). Referring to the custom of shudegaze following the horseman, the prince sometimes forced a whole convoy of carts encountered along the way to follow him. Thus, the ancient, democratic foundations of the principle of honoring elders were shaken. The nobility used it for their own purposes and interests.
This is especially true of the pre-revolutionary period of history, when the class division of society, following the example of the Russians, acquired significant proportions, up to the emergence of sharp antagonistic contradictions between the exploitative elite and the common people. In former times, that is, back in the first half of the 19th century, the power of princes and nobles was limited to the people's assembly. They say, for example, that one of the Kabardian princes was deprived of this title because, having abused his power, he allowed, and in fact, forced, a convoy of peasant carts to follow him.
Respect for elders sometimes appeared in exaggerated form. Sh. Mashkuashev (village of St. Cherek, KBASSR) claims that in the past a man walking alone along the street had to keep to the left side of the road, symbolically yielding the right, honorable side to the eldest in the clan (if there is one). For the same reason, he, being the eldest at the table, refused to perform the ritual of dividing shkh'el'enykue (a ram's head divided in two). The younger one was strictly forbidden to call out to the older one. To attract the attention of the elder, it was necessary to enter the field of view of the latter and then address him. Hence two proverbs, differently reflecting the same standard of communication: Nekhyzhym k1el'ydzherkym, - k1el'ok1ue - They don’t call out to the elder, they catch up with him; Koodzher nekhyizhsch - [The one] who calls out to you is older. In addition to this, before saying anything to the elders leading the conversation, the younger one was supposed to update a special polite-respectful formula for entering the conversation: Kyshuevgegyu, fe fi psh1ykh huediz akyyl si1ekkym se, aue khuit syfshch1ame, zy psalae nyfheslkhyenut - Sorry, I didn’t I have the wisdom [mind] of your dreams, but if you would allow me, I would say one word.
The principle of respect for elders determines the seating order at the table. In this case, a psychologically curious situation arises: everyone is afraid to take a place that does not correspond to their age and rank, and therefore they stand in indecision for some time, measuring their age with the age of those present. At the same time, local disputes and bickering often arise: everyone strives to give up the most honorable place to the other, proving that it rightfully belongs to him, and not to his insignificant person. It is not difficult to understand that these actions are manifestations of those properties national character, which were mentioned above. Anyone who violates the rules of honor (nemys) when seating, that is, takes a place that other, most honorable guests deserve, will to some extent discredit himself in the eyes of public opinion. That’s why the Circassians like to repeat: Zhyant1ak1ueu ushymyty, uzerschyt ukyalagunsch - Do not strive for a place of honor, [and without that] they will notice what you are, [what you deserve]. In this situation, it is considered most preferable to take the place offered by the elders at the table or the owners of the house. Hence another proverb, which has a deeper meaning: Zhyant1em ush1emyku, phuefascheme, kyiplysysynsch - Do not strive for a place of honor, if you deserve it, you will get it.
The desire to give up a more honorable, comfortable place to another appears, on the one hand, as a symptom of good manners, politeness, modesty, and on the other, as a deliberate demonstration of these properties. When the second takes precedence over the first, these actions become ostentatious, protracted, and are quite rightly condemned by the people. And this critical attitude towards etiquette, or more precisely, towards its perversions, found a corresponding expression in the proverb, which no, no, and even someone will screw up during the seating process: Adygem t1ysyn dymyukhyure k1uezhyg'uer koos - Adygs, before we have time to sit down, it’s time to leave.
There are many other speech and non-speech standards of communication, determined by the “older-younger” relationship. We will learn about some of them in subsequent sections of the book. Now let us note that the veneration of elders is a custom that originates in ancient times; it is to some extent a rudiment of the primitive gerontocracy of old power (See Zolotarev, 1932, 42), more or less successfully integrated into the etiquette of all peoples of the globe, and this must not be forgotten.
Respect for elders is introduced into the consciousness of the Circassians as the highest principle, following which one can achieve success in life and win the authority of the people. Hence a whole ensemble of proverbs and instructions such as: Nehyyzhyr g'el'ap1i ui shkh'er l'ap1e hunshch - Honor the Elder, you yourself will become revered; Zi nekhyyzh food1ue and 1uehu mek1uate - He who listens to the elder in business succeeds; Nekhyzhym zhyant1er eish - The eldest has a place of honor.
We see the same thing among Indians, Chinese, and Japanese. In the ancient Indian code of conduct rules “The Laws of Manu” there are the following points:
"119. You should not sit on a box or on a seat used by a senior; the one who occupies a box or seat, standing up, let him greet him.
120. After all, the vital forces are about to leave young man when the elder approaches; he restores them again by standing up and greeting.
121. He who has the habit of greeting, always honoring his elders, increases the four longevity, wisdom, glory and strength” (Laws of Manu, I960, 42).
Among the Xiao Chinese, the principle of honoring elders is an important part of the Li code of customary law. Also among the Japanese, “reverence for parents, and in a broader sense, submission to the will of elders... is the most important moral duty of a person” (Ovchinnikov, 1975, 67). Hence the use of emphatically low bows and special grammatical forms of politeness for names and verbs when dealing with elders.
Family tradition.
The basis of family organization in the Caucasus is the superiority of men and the unquestioned authority of elders. Many associate the secret of longevity in the Caucasus with respect for the older generation. It is worth noting that, despite the obvious dominance of the elders, the somewhat free behavior of young people, who always had their own gathering places, was also considered normal at all times.
Birth of a child.
When a child is born in a family, a flag is hung on the roof of the house in honor of the birth of the child. If a girl is born, then the flag is made of variegated fabric, and if a boy is born, then the fabric is plain, usually red. The flag symbolizes that the child is alive, the mother is alive, that everything is fine. Everyone celebrates the birth of a person. This is the price of a person's birth when he is born. In honor of the birth of a child, a tree is planted throughout the year. The tree is planted by my paternal grandfather in my father's yard. The child will water the tree, take care of it, rejoice when it blooms, bears fruit, and sheds leaves.
Only after birth is a cradle made of wood in which the baby is rocked. The Adygs do not prepare anything in advance until the birth of the child. The bedding is prepared by the mother's parents, it is said that if the bedding is prepared by the father's family, then she or he will not be happy in marriage. The cat is placed first in the cradle, not the baby, so that the baby also sleeps soundly. As a rule, the child is placed in the cradle by his paternal grandmother, two weeks after his birth. Everything in the life of the Adygs is sung from birth to death. The lullaby sings about images of the future Adyghe! Grandmother rocks the cradle and sings a song about how brave he will be, how generous he will be, what a good hunter he will become. They sing to the girl, what a beauty she will be, what a smart girl she will be, what a needlewoman she will be, what a kind mother she will be, this is sung in a highly poetic form.
First steps.
When the baby begins to walk, the family organizes the “First Step” ritual. Many guests are invited to this solemn event, preparations are made festive table, games and dances are held. The baby’s legs are tied with a ribbon, and the eldest representative of the family cuts it with scissors with the words: “Grow strong and healthy baby.” This is done so that in the future nothing prevents the baby from moving forward. Next, a ritual is carried out by definition future profession baby. Various objects are placed on the table - books, pens, money and various tools. Then the baby is brought to the table three times and if in all cases he takes the same object, then this is a sign when choosing his profession. Round, sweet, hard bread is baked with milk, but not yeast - this is a symbol of the Earth's firmament. This bread is placed on a round ritual Adyghe table with three legs and the baby is placed with one leg and carefully cut out around the leg. This piece of bread is given to the baby to eat, and the rest of the bread is divided into small pieces by children and adults. Everyone should try a piece of this bread to support the baby’s confident life so that he does not stumble in life.
The first tooth fell out.
Until all your baby teeth fall out, you can’t just throw them away. The fallen tooth and one piece of charcoal are wrapped in a plain white rag and thrown over the roof of the house. No one is watching the bag, it hits the roof or flies over the roof.
Wedding tradition.
Most zealously observed wedding traditions and rituals of rural residents. And in wedding rituals, respect for elders is clearly shown. It is absolutely not customary for a younger sister or brother to get married before the older one. Oddly enough, at a wedding the bride and groom play a rather symbolic role. After all, the newlyweds do not even see each other in the first days, since they celebrate this event, as a rule, not only separately, but often in different houses. They do this in the company of their best friends and acquaintances. This tradition is called "wedding hiding." The wife must enter the new house with right leg, always with a covered face. The bride's head is usually sprinkled with sweets or coins, which should ensure financial well-being. The main tradition at a wedding, which is strictly observed, is gifts prepared for each other by families that have become related. A very curious and symbolic gift that is still given today is a pair of warm, beautiful woolen socks for the groom. This gift indicates that his young wife is a good needlewoman. It is quite natural that new Age made his own adjustments to the wedding celebration. Naturally, registration with the registry office is now a mandatory procedure. Brides also liked the white wedding dress, which gained great popularity in the 20th century and gradually replaced the traditional Caucasian bridesmaid dresses.
According to Circassian custom, each visitor could drive into any courtyard, dismount at the hitching post, enter the kunatskaya and spend as many days there as he considered necessary. The guest could be a man of any age, acquaintance or stranger, even a blood enemy. The owner had no right to be interested in his name, his rank, or the purpose of his visit. Refusal of hospitality was unthinkable, and even insufficient care on the part of the hosts who received the guest was considered a shame: in the old days such a person was tried and punished. The owner was responsible with his property for damage incurred by the guest during his stay in his house; he had to protect the guest with weapons if he was in danger.
The guest occupied the most honorable place at the table. His treat constituted a whole ritual. Tables with food were passed from more respected persons to less honorable persons and, finally, were taken outside the kunatskaya, where they were placed at the disposal of women and children. If a whole ram was served, the meat was distributed according to the position of those participating in the feast. The head and shoulder blade, as the best parts, were offered to the guest. The owner was obliged not only to feed the guest during his entire stay in the house, but also to provide him with everything necessary for the journey. Kunak was usually received not in the living room, but in the residential house of the family owner. Unwritten etiquette required that each family have a kunak of a different nationality, who was considered a family friend and was subject to marriage prohibitions. Kunatskaya served as the place of residence for the entire male part of the family. Unmarried male youth spent the night in the kunatskaya if there were no guests there. Circassians usually revered the threshold and hearth in the house.
The responsibilities of the kunak were much broader than just the owner, since the kunakship required the establishment of special relationships such as twinning. This union was sealed by drinking together from a cup into which silver coins were thrown or silver shavings were whittled from the handle of a dagger. This was often followed by an exchange of weapons. Such an alliance was concluded for life.
Adoption was considered admission into a clan with the assumption of all responsibilities and rights both in relation to the clan as a whole and to the family that adopted him. The adoption ritual consisted in the fact that the adopted person had to publicly touch the naked breast of his named mother three times with his lips. Touching a woman's breast with her lips served as sufficient grounds for adoption in other cases. Bloodlines often resorted to this. If the killer touched the breast of the mother of the murdered man in any way - by force or cunning - then he became her son, a member of the clan of the murdered man and was not subject to blood feud.
Although formally the right of revenge extended to the entire clan, it was carried out by the closest relatives of the murdered person. In most cases, it was replaced by payment in livestock and weapons. The size of the payment was determined by the class of the murdered person. Reconciliation could also be achieved by the killer raising a child from the family of the murdered one.
The Circassian wedding ceremony was very peculiar, which consisted of a number of customs that stretched in the past for more than one year. There was a custom of bride kidnapping. Even if it was done with her consent - out of a desire to reduce the size of the bridewealth (bride price), to avoid expenses for the wedding, or because of the disagreement of the parents - even then it inevitably caused quarrels, fights between the girl’s relatives and the kidnappers and often led to injuries and murders. Once the young man made his choice, he negotiated the price for the girl with her father. The ransom most often consisted of chain mail, sabers, guns, horses and several bulls. After the agreement was concluded, the groom and his friend took the girl to the home of one of his friends or relatives, where she was accommodated in a room intended for spouses. Here she stayed while the groom's relatives completed preparations for the wedding. The marriage ceremony also took place here. From the day the bride arrived, the groom went to the house of another friend of his and visited the bride only in the evenings.
The day after the bride was taken away, her parents went to the groom's parents and, feigning anger, demanded to know the reason for the secret abduction. Custom required not to show that the marriage agreement had been reached earlier. The next day the wedding began, to which all relatives and friends gathered. Some accompanied the groom to kidnap the bride again, while others prevented them from doing so. All participants in the wedding procession depicted a battle, during which the bride appeared at the door of the house, supported by two friends. The groom rushed forward and carried her away in his arms. Young girls turned on victory song, and all the “fighters” united and accompanied the bride and groom. The wedding lasted five to six days, but the groom was not present.
The transportation of the bride to the groom's house was accompanied by various rituals, horse riding and horse racing. Men and girls selected from among the villagers and relatives of the groom went to fetch the bride. The girls stayed with the bride and looked after her until the end of the wedding. The bride was usually brought on a wedding cart. The bride was led into a special room, where she was placed on an ottoman, and a girl was chosen to remove the scarf from her head. On the day of transport of the bride, a treat was arranged for everyone present at the wedding. At the same time, the older men were in one room, and the younger ones were in another.
The groom stayed with his friend until the end of the wedding, and only after its completion did they organize the ceremony of returning the young husband to his home. Upon returning, the newlywed had to perform a ritual of “reconciliation” with his family: at night he appeared in native home and received refreshments from his father and the older men of the village. After two or three days, a dinner was held for him, at which his mother and other women were present.
The room for the newlyweds was a sacred part of the home among the Circassians. It was not allowed to talk loudly or do chores around her. A week after the young wife’s stay in this room, the ceremony of introducing her into big house. The newlywed, covered with a veil, was given a mixture of butter and honey and sprinkled with nuts and sweets. After the wedding, she went to her parents. After some time (sometimes only after the birth of a child), the wife returned to her husband’s house and began to take part in all housekeeping work new family. During their married life, the husband visited his wife in their common room only at night. During the day he was in the men's quarters or in the kunatskaya.
In turn, the wife was the sovereign mistress of the female half of the house. The husband did not interfere at all household. The wife even had her own property - cattle, which she received as a wedding gift. Nevertheless, a number of prohibitions were imposed on her in relation to her mother-in-law and her husband’s male relatives. For example, she did not have the right to sit with men, eat with her husband, or go to bed until he returned. She called her husband “he,” “himself,” “our,” and the husband, in turn, called his wife “living in my house” or “our family.” The husband had the right to divorce without giving a reason. A wife could formally demand a divorce for some reasons (her husband’s infidelity, inability to cohabitate), but this happened very rarely. After the death of her husband, the widow, according to custom, sometimes married his brother. In case of divorce or marriage to a stranger, her children remained in her husband's family.
The Circassian maternity ritual included a number of measures aimed at protecting the pregnant woman from evil spirits. The expectant mother had to observe numerous prohibitions, including not fanning the fire and not going to the cemetery. When a man was informed that he would be a father, he left the house and appeared there for several days only at night. Two weeks after birth, the ritual of placing the child in the cradle was performed, which usually coincided with the naming of the newborn.
Clear echoes of traditional ancient beliefs were the images on grave monuments of objects that the deceased might need in the other world. A person killed by lightning was considered the chosen one of God and was buried in a special way. Even animals killed by lightning received an honorable funeral. These funerals were accompanied by dancing and singing, and chips from a tree struck by lightning were considered healing.
Many religious practices were closely related to agriculture. These included, first of all, rituals of causing rain during drought. sacrifices marked the beginning and end of agricultural work.
Subject (focus):
Adyghe language and literature.Children's age: 5-8 grades.
Location: Class.
Target:
1. Introduce students to the Adyghe culture.
2. Instill love for your homeland, the Adyghe language.
3.Teaching students highly moral personality traits and etiquette standards of behavior.
Equipment and materials: Slide presentation « Customs and traditions of the Circassians" (slide contents - in Appendix 1); fragments for listening: Adyghe folk melodies and songs.
Progress of the lesson
Teacher: Why do we need etiquette? Probably so as not to think. Do not rack your brains, wondering what to do in this or that case, but maintain inner confidence in any situation. The ability to behave instills in us a sense of self-esteem and self-respect. They say the hardest thing is to stay well-mannered person alone with myself. It's all too easy to fall into the temptation of careless behavior. In the 17th century, at one of the magnificent receptions of the French king Louis, 14 guests were given cards listing the rules of behavior required of them. From the French name for cards - “etiquette” - the word “etiquette” came from, which later entered the languages of many countries around the world.
Teacher:
And what rules of etiquette and traditions are sung about in the song “This is the custom of the Circassians”?
Let's sing this song.
Teacher:
What etiquette rules and traditions are mentioned in the song?
“Is this the custom of the Circassians?”
Etiquette covers the manner and clothing of people, the ability to behave politely and tactfully, the ability to behave at the table, and to be hospitable.
What proverbs and sayings do you know about hospitality?
Many European authors who visited the Circassians wrote about the hospitality of the Circassians:
1 student:
Giorgio Interiano in the 15th century noted that the Circassians “have a custom of hospitality and to receive everyone with the greatest cordiality.”
Giovanni Lucca wrote about the Circassians in the 17th century that “there is no kinder or more hospitable people in the world who accept foreigners.”
“Hospitality,” noted two centuries later K. F. Stahl, “is one of the most important virtues of the Circassians...”
“The memory of former hospitality has been preserved in legends... Despite all the disasters and political upheavals, this virtue has not weakened to this day,” wrote Sh. Nogmov in the first half of the 19th century.
Gardanov V.K. writes: “The right is absolutely stranger to stay as a guest in any house and the unconditional duty of the owner to provide him with the most cordial welcome and provide everything he needs - this is what primarily characterized the custom of hospitality among the Circassians.”
“In Circassia,” noted Khan-Girey, “a traveler, tormented by hunger, thirst and fatigue, finds hospitable shelter everywhere: the owner of the house where he is staying welcomes him cordially and, not knowing him at all, makes every possible effort to calm him down.” , without even asking who he is, where he is coming from or why, delivers everything he needs.
2nd student:
The guest was a sacred person for the owner, who was obliged to treat him, protect him from insults and was ready to sacrifice his life for him, even if he were a criminal or his blood enemy.” And further: “...Every traveling Circassian stopped where night overtook him, but he preferred to stay with a friend, and, moreover, a person who was not there, it would be too burdensome to treat the visitor.
The owner, hearing from afar about the guest's arrival, hurried to meet him and held the stirrup as he dismounted from his horse. In the eyes of every Circassian, there were no such actions or services that could humiliate the owner in front of the guest, no matter how great the difference in their social status. As soon as the guest got off his horse, the owner, first of all, took off his gun and led him into the kunatskaya, indicating a place there, lined with carpets and pillows, in the most honorable corner of the room. Here they removed all other weapons from the visitor, which they hung in the kunatskaya or took to the owner’s house. The last circumstance had a double meaning among the Circassians: either that the owner, out of friendship, took upon himself full responsibility for the safety of the guest in his house, or that, not knowing him, he did not really trust him.
Having sat down in a place of honor, the visitor, as is usual among the Circassians, spent some time in deep silence. The host and the guest, if they were strangers, examined each other with great attention. After remaining silent for several moments, the visitor inquired about the health of the owner, but considered it indecent to ask about his wife and children. On the other hand, the Circassians considered it a violation of the rules of hospitality to bombard the guest with questions: where did he come from, where and why was he going; the guest, if he wished, could remain incognito. The owner asked him about his health only if the visitor was familiar to him, otherwise he asked this question no earlier than the guest announced his name. In the period of time, before dinner, it was considered indecent to leave a guest alone, and therefore the host’s neighbors came to him one after another with greetings. The initiative for every business came from the guest. He began a conversation and asked those present to sit down, they at first refused, considering it indecent to sit in the presence of a guest, but then the older ones gave in to the second request and sat down, and the younger ones stood around the room. During the conversation, according to custom, the guest addressed himself exclusively to respectable persons or elders, and little by little the conversation became general. The public interests of the country, internal events, information about peace or war, the exploits of some prince, the arrival of ships on the Circassian shores and other subjects worthy of attention formed the content of the conversation and were the only source from which all Circassian news and information were drawn.
The most subtle decency was observed in the conversation, giving the Circassians an appearance of nobility or decency when communicating with each other. The appearance of servants or the owner's sons, or his neighbors with a washstand and basin for washing their hands, served as a sign that dinner was ready. After washing, small tables on three legs were brought into the kunatskaya. These tables are known among the Circassians under the name ane (Iane).
Teacher:
How do you understand the word “kunatskaya”?
3rd student:
The Circassians were always extremely moderate in food: they ate little and rarely, especially during campaigns and movements. “Sadness of the stomach,” says the proverb, “is easily forgotten, but not soon - only heartache.” The food was served clean and tidy. The Circassians ate milk with wooden spoons, drank beef broth or broth from wooden cups, and ate everything else with their hands. The ram slaughtered for the guest was boiled in a cauldron entirely, with the exception of the head, legs and liver, and, surrounded by these accessories, seasoned with brine, it was served on one of the tables. The next dish also consisted of boiled lamb, cut into pieces, between which there was a stone cup with spikes - sour milk, seasoned with garlic, pepper, salt; The natives dipped lamb into this brine. Then, in order and dignity, came chetlibzh - chicken seasoned with onions, peppers, and butter; they put pasta on the table... For Chetlibzhe - again sour milk, with pieces of boiled lamb's head, cheesecakes with cottage cheese, cottage cheese pies, pilaf, shish kebab, fried lamb with honey, loose millet with sour cream, sweet pies. At the end of dinner, a cauldron of very tasty soup was brought, which was poured into wooden cups with ears and served to the guests. Wine, beer, buza or arak and, finally, kumiss were part of every dinner. The number of dishes, depending on the importance of the guest and the state of the host, was sometimes quite significant. So, in 1827, the Natukhai elder Deshenoko-Temirok, treating the English seraskir Hassan Pasha who visited him, served him one hundred and twenty dishes at dinner. They sat down to dinner according to dignity and significance; summers played a very important role in this matter. Summer in the Circassian community was always placed above any rank; a young man of the highest origin was obliged to stand in front of each old man, without asking his name and showing respect to his gray hair, to give him a place of honor, which was of very great importance in the reception of the Circassians.
Teacher:
4 student:
When the eldest stopped eating, everyone sitting at the same table with him also stopped eating, and the table was passed on to secondary visitors, and passed on from them until it was completely empty, because the Circassian did not save for another day what was once prepared. and served. What the guests did not eat was taken out of the kunatskaya and distributed in the courtyard to a crowd of children and onlookers who came running to each such treat. After dinner, they swept and brought the washbasin again, and this time they served a small piece of soap on a special plate. Having wished the guest peace, everyone left, except the owner, who remained there until the guest asked him to calm down as well.
To create the greatest comfort and peace for the guest, the Circassians had a special guest house - khyakIeshch (literally: a place for a guest), known in translated literature as kunatskaya. KhyakIesh was built in the most convenient place of the estate, i.e., away from the owners’ home, closer to the gate. There was always a stable or hitching post next to the guest house. If the guest arrived on a horse, then he did not have to worry about him. The owners will do everything that is necessary: they will unsaddle the horse, feed and water it, take it to a fenced pasture, and in bad weather they will keep it in a special room. In the Adyghe family, it was customary to save all the best for guests. So the kunatskaya - hyakIeshch was the most comfortable room, furnished with the best part of the owners’ property. Here, tables were required - tripods, called “Iane” by the Circassians, a bed with a set of clean bed linen, carpets, mats. And weapons and musical instruments were hung on the walls. So, the eldest greeted the guest, the younger ones took care of the horse or bulls with the cart, the women did household chores. If the guest turned out to be older in age, the owner occupied the left side, accompanying him to the kunatskaya. Inviting a guest to the house, the owner indicated the direction with his right hand and, walking slightly ahead, walked as if sideways. At the very entrance, the owner slowed down, letting the guest go forward. And the guest had to enter with his right foot, thereby symbolizing the bringing of happiness to this house.
Teacher:
Why is “Iane” depicted on the coat of arms of Adygea?
5th student:
So, having escorted him to the house, they helped him take off his outer clothing and weapons and seated him in a place of honor. If he wanted, he could remain completely incognito, and asking who he was, where he was from and where he was going was considered indecent. The guest could be questioned only after three days. And then the owner did not allow himself to touch upon topics that were unpleasant to the guest or ask ambiguous questions. During the conversation, they did not interrupt, did not ask again, did not ask clarifying questions, did not argue with them, even if they were wrong or were mistaken in something. The guest had to be able to listen carefully and interestedly. It was not allowed to speak in an unknown language in front of a guest. It is no coincidence that the Englishman James Bell
wrote: “From all that I have seen, I look upon the Circassians en masse as the most naturally polite people that I have ever known or about which I have ever read.” The ability of the hosts to conduct a conversation, keep the guest occupied, as well as the ability on the part of the guest to adequately support the conversation that had begun and continue it was considered good manners of behavior.
In the house where the guest is staying, peace and order should reign: in the presence of guests, they did not clean the room, did not sweep, did not fuss. Treats in honor of the guest were prepared so that it was unnoticed by him. In the house they spoke calmly, without nervousness or bickering, they tried to walk more quietly and not stomp their feet. Supervision was organized over the children so that they did not indulge in unnecessary pranks. The best bed, the best food, the best place at the table is for the guest. The daughters-in-law of the family, and if they were not there, the younger daughters helped the guests wash and clean their clothes. Giovanni Lucca recalled that in the Adyghe house they not only cared about the cleanliness of clothes, but were also very attentive. And he exclaimed in delight: “There are no people in the world that are kinder than this or more welcoming to foreigners.”
Any national etiquette in the broad sense of the word can probably be regarded as a national everyday system of views and norms of behavior. The feast is precisely the case when all these qualities find their concentrated expression. Reception of guests was never limited to a feast. The most important component of receiving and serving guests was the hosts' concern for their entertainment. For this purpose, dances, various games were organized, songs were sung, etc. And for a particularly distinguished guest, horse racing, horse riding, target shooting, national wrestling, and sometimes hunting were organized. Seeing off guests was also arranged very solemnly. Almost the entire household gathered. Each guest was helped to dress and mount the horse, holding the horse by the bridle and holding the left stirrup. The young people did it. Usually gifts were given to the guest. It was imperative to escort him beyond the gates of the estate, and more often to the outskirts of the village. When the guest left the hospitable house, he mounted his horse and, turning to face the house, said: (“All the best! May we meet on a good occasion!”). They wanted the same thing in return.
Teacher:
What did the Circassians treat the guest with?
What Adyghe dishes do you know?
Dairy? What is Adygea famous for?
Adyghe cheese. Poem by Nekhai Ruslan “Adyghe cheese”
Teacher: If you solve the crossword puzzle correctly, you will find the hidden word.
1. Drink.
2. A dish of nuts.
3. Adyghe sauce.
4. Beetroot drink.
5. Dough product (flatbread).
6. Dough product.
7. Mamalyga.
8. Homemade sausage.
| A | |||||||||
| d | |||||||||
| s | |||||||||
| G | |||||||||
| uh | |||||||||
| I | |||||||||
| A | |||||||||
| n | |||||||||
2. deshhoshow
3. pinches
4. gynyplyps
5. shchelam
6. I epeeschek I
7. p I aste
8. nekul
| 1.къ | A | l | m | uh | k | sch | A | th | |
| 2.d | uh | w | X | O | w | O | at | ||
| 3.sch | s | P | With | s | |||||
| 4.g | s | n | s | P | l | s | P | With | |
| 5.sch | uh | l | A | m | |||||
| 6.I | uh | P | uh | e | sch | uh | To I | ||
| 7.p I | A | With | T | uh | |||||
| 8.n | uh | ku | l | ||||||
Teacher: Our lesson has come to an end. We talked to you about etiquette - a kind of set of rules of behavior between people. Everyone is free to choose for themselves whether to comply with its requirements or not. But if you want to make a good impression on people, you cannot do without knowing the rules of good manners. And we hope that our event today helped you find answers to many questions about the customs and traditions of the Circassians.
B.K. Kubov, A.A. Shaov. Stylistics of the Adyghe language. - M., 1979.
Yu.A. Tharkaho. Adyghe-Russian dictionary. - M., 1991.
Yu.A. Tharkaho. Russian-Adyghe dictionary. In 2 volumes. - M., 2004.
M.H. Shkhapatseva. Comparative grammar of Russian and Adyghe languages. - M., 2005.
Yu.A. Tharkaho. Stylistics of the Adyghe language. - M., 2003.
A.B. Chuyako. Russian-Adyghe phrasebook. - M., 2006.
The Adyghe language at the present stage and prospects for its development. Materials of the scientific and practical conference dedicated to the Day of the Adyghe language and writing. - M., 2004.
My language is my life. Materials of the scientific and practical conference dedicated to the Day of Adyghe Literature. M., MO and N RA. M., 2005. Scientist - linguist and teacher D.A. Ashhamaf. - M., RIPO “Adygea”, 2000.
Complex work with text. From the work experience of a teacher of the Adyghe language and literature of the ARG Blyagoz M.A. - M., 2003.
Scientist - linguist and teacher D.A. Ashhamaf. M., RIPO "Adygea", 2000.
D. M. Tambieva. Methodological guide for teachers to the book “Reading in the Adyghe language.” - M.:, Hell. rep. book ed., 2005.
Materials for holding festive events throughout the calendar year, dedicated. state languages of the Republic Adygea and the languages of the peoples living in it. compact in it. Edited by R. Yu. Namitokova. - M., 2004.
K.I. Hoot. The influence of the Russian language on word usage in the Adyghe language. Ed. Z.U. Blagoz. - M., Hell. rep. book ed., 1994.
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M.A. Kumakhov, Essays on general and Caucasian linguistics. Nalchik. Ed. "Elbrus", 1994.
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A.B. Chuyako. Adyghe folk tales and works from the Nart epic. Adyghe outdoor games. - M., 1997.
R.B. Unarokova. Folklore of the Circassians of Turkey. - M., 2004.
A.V. Krasnopolsky, N.Kh. Dzharimov, A.Kh. Sheujen. Workers of science of Adygea. - M., Hell. rep. book ed., 2001.
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Kanokova Farizet
Lesson summary " Family customs Circassians"
Subject: "Circassian family customs. Putting the baby into the cradle for the first time"
This material will be useful for preschool teachers educational institutions, with the purpose of forming a regional culture in children.
Types of children's activities: gaming, educational and research, communicative, perception of fiction, musical and artistic.
Target: Introducing children to the culture of their people, replenishing children’s knowledge about their native republic, nurturing love and respect for traditions and Circassian customs.
Introduce children to the ritual of putting a baby into the cradle for the first time (kushch'ehaphe);
Continue to introduce children to traditional everyday culture Adyghe people;
maintain and develop interest in the traditions of the Small Motherland;
Expand and deepen children's understanding of ancient family customs;
Consolidate ancient knowledge Adyghe names;
Enrich your vocabulary nouns: amulet, cradle.
Preliminary work:
Conversations to familiarize yourself with the environment "Items Adyghe antiquity» ; "Me and my name", Visit to the regional museum;
Reading Adyghe folk tales, epics, looking at illustrations, listening Adyghe folk songs, lullabies; organizing and conducting with children Adyghe folk games.
Equipment: items Adyghe life and culture, cradle Adyghe, baby doll, egg white, cat toy.
Progress of the lesson
Children enter a room decorated according to the theme. classes.
Org. moment
Educator: Guys, look how many guests came to us. Let's greet the guests and warm them with our smiles. What else warms us up and improves our mood? That's right, sunshine. And we will imagine that our hands are the rays of the sun, we will touch each other with them and give warmth to our friends. (Children dance in a circle, stretching their arms up, touching each other.)
Children:
Sunshine, sunshine!
We are your rays!
Be good people
Teach us!
Educator: So we warmed our friends and guests with our warmth and shared our good mood with them.
Guys, tell me what ours is called a country: (Russia)
Our Russia is a huge, powerful country. Russia includes many small republics. You and I live in one of these republics. What is the name of our republic? (Republic Adygea)
Right. From the shores of the Black Sea, far to the east, since time immemorial, lived the Circassians or Adygs. IN Adygea people live in different nationalities: both Russians and Circassians, and many other nationalities.
In our republic there is beautiful cities, villages, hamlets, villages.
You and I live in a village. What is it called? (Krasnogvardeyskoe village).
There are also villages in the republic where people live Circassians.
What are the names of the villages in which they live? Circassians? (aul)
Now in the villages there are large modern houses, but before, in the old days Circassians lived in houses, built from wicker coated with clay, covered with straw or reeds.
What were the names of the houses in the village in the old days? (saklya).
The guys are going to kindergarten today, our group received a letter from the village. Look at the envelope unusual with Adyghe ornament. Do you want to know what's in it? (children's answers).
Open the envelope and read.
Educator: Dear guys! We are very glad that our letter reached you. Today we have a big holiday in our village - our long-awaited firstborn was born! We are waiting for your visit! See you and good luck!
So, are you guys ready to go on a journey? (children's answers).
And what you and I will go on a trip with, you will find out by guessing riddle:
House with three porches
Rides with the Little People (Bus)
Music game "Bus"
Educator: So you and I have arrived. Where are we? (In the village)
Guys, look, there is a red flag hanging on the house! Want to know what this means?
When a child is born in a family, a flag is hung on the roof of the house in honor of the birth of the child. If a girl is born, then the flag is made of variegated fabric, and if a boy is born, then the fabric is plain, usually red.
The flag symbolizes that the child is alive, the mother is alive, that everything is fine. Everyone celebrates the birth of a person.
What flag hangs on this house? (red) So who was born here? (boy).
Probably, we were invited here in a letter! Let's knock! (knock).
(grandmother comes out and greets the children and Adyghe, and in Russian).
Grandmother: Good afternoon! How many guests have arrived, we are glad to see you, come in, make yourself at home, have a seat. (children sit on chairs).
(The sound of a baby crying is heard.)
Educator: Guys, what is that sound? Who's crying?
Grandmother: Children, look, that’s who’s crying with us - the baby. He was just born today, that’s why he’s crying. You need to rock him to calm him down.
(Grandma takes out the doll, shakes it, the crying subsides.)
